Shtypi i huaj mbi Shqipërinë dhe shqiptarët

[Arb]

Lufta e Serbise me Historine
Beteja e propagandes shkon deri ne te kaluaren e lashte. Serbia zyrtare krenohet me historine e saj heroike dhe te qendreses. Problemi i vetem jane faktet.

Koment nga Christopher Bennett*

Ndersa Serbia sfidon fuqine e Perendimit, shume Serbe krenohen se historia e tyre provon se pavaresisht nga ndryshimi i fuqise se armeve, ata asnje here nuk do te munden. Problemi eshte se versioni i te kaluares qe tregohet ne Beograd nuk qendron. Serbia nuk eshte duke luftuar vetem kunder NATO-s, ajo eshte ne lufte edhe me historine. Pasioni dhe ekspertiza me te cilat kaq shume Serbe flasin kaq shpesh dhe aq gjate rreth vendit te tyre dhe se kaluares se tij heroike permban nje mungese te madhe balance, paanesie dhe kuptimi. Opinionet bazohen pothuajse krejtesisht ne paragjykime dhe parakushte. Qe prej betejes famekeqe te Kosoves ne vitin 1389 deri ne ngjarjet e ketij shekulli, historia dhe mitet jane nderhturur ne nje besim pothuajse fetar nacional. Cdo njeri qe guxon te vere ne dyshim nenet e ketij besimi etiketohet si heretik. Sipas legjendes se Kosoves, udheheqesit Serb, Princi Lazer, i eshte ofruar ne prag te betejes nje mundesi per te zgjedhur midis nje mbreterie ne toke dhe nje ne parajse. Duke u betuar se “Eshte me mire te vdesesh ne beteje se sa te jetosh me turp,” ai zgjodhi boten tjeter, dhe per kete aresye u vra te nesermen, ne ate qe perkujtohet si nje disfate e lavdishme qe i dha fund perandorise Serbe te Mesjetes dhe qe coi ne pothuajse pese shekuj erresire nen zgjedhen e huaj Otomane. Eshte e vertete, qe nje beteje u be ne diten e Shen Vitus ne 1389 ne Fushe Kosove, fusha e zogut te zi, nete cilen Princi Lazar dhe Sulltan Murati, udheheqesi Otoman, u vrane qe te dy. Deri ketu eshte e qarte. Megjithate, pothuajse cdo aspekt tjeter i betejes--perfshire edhe perfundimin e saj--mbetet nje mister. Bazuar ne provat historike, si ushtria Otomane ashtu edhe ajo Serbe ka shume mundesi qe te kene qene forca shumekombeshe. Ne fakt, ka shume mundesi qe pjesa me e madhe e popujve te Krishtere te Ballkanit, perfshire ketu edhe Shqiptaret, te kene kontribuar me trupa per kauzen Serbe dhe se Serbet dhe Shqiptaret te kene luftuar ne te dyja krahet. Per sa i perket rezultatit, duket se beteja nuk ka qene aq e rendesishme dhe decisive sa eshte pershkruar. Rezultati ka qene me teper nje barazim se sa nje fitore e Otomaneve, sepse forcat Turke menjehere pas kesaj beteje u terhoqen nga rajoni. Vete perandoria Serbe ishte shkaterruar qe perpara 30 vjeteve, megjithese pavaresia e shtetit mbeti ne fuqi edhe per 70 vjete te tjere. Mitet historike ne asnje menyre nuk jane vetem ekskluzive te Serbeve, dhe natyrisht, nuk jane domosdoshmerisht te demshme. Ne te vertete, shume shoqeri kane nxjerre forca nga legjendat--pavaresisht ne se ka qene ajo e Arturit apo ajo mbi Washingtonin dhe pemen e qershise--te cilat, ne se shikohen me sy kritik, nuk kane baza historike. Ndryshimi me marreveshjen e Kosoves, eshte qe me ane te saj eshte abuzuar per te rrenjosur nje ndjenje viktimizimi tek Serbet e cila i ka verbuar ata kunder popujve te tjere te Ballkanit. Plani vdekjeprures per Serbine e Madhe ne fund te shekullit te 20te doli nga mendimet dhe shkrimet e Dobrica Cosic, nje prej romanciereve me te njohur ne Serbi dhe nje shkrimtar i epikave historike popullore. Cosic ka qene partizan gjate Luftes se Dyte Boterore dhe nje mik i Titos per me teper se 20 vjet, por megjithate ai nuk mund te binte dakort me perpjekjet e Titos per te emancipuar Shqiptaret e Jugosllavise dhe u likuidua per nacionalizem ne vitin 1968. Gjate periudhes se frustracionit te tij per renien nga maja e piramides, Cosic zhvilloi nje teori komplekse dhe paradoksale te persekucionit kombetar Serb. Pas me shume se dy dekadave, kjo teori evoluoi ne nje program per Serbine e Madhe te cilin Slobodan Miloshevici fillimisht e beri te tijen dhe pastaj e ndoqi. Psikologjia kombetare Serbe e cila ka revoltuar boten qe prej vitit 1991 nuk eshte pra produkti i nje evolucioni historik ne shekuj, por eshte fabrikuar me qellim dhe eshte kultivuar intensivishtnga media Serbe qe prej ardhjes ne pushtet te Miloshevicit, ne vitin 1987. Mit, fantazi, gjysem te verteta dhe genjeshtra te plota jane transmetuar cdo nate neper lajmet e televizionit. Teoria e nje komploti e enderruar nga nacionaliste te frustruar si Cosic ne fund te viteve 1960, 1970 dhe ne fillim te viteve 1980 eshte bere e vertete. Cdo ngjarje e ndodhur ne historine Serbe eshte rritur dhe shtremberuar per te ushqyer kompleksin e persekutimit te njerezve te thjeshte, te cilet ne nje kohe te renies se madhe te standartit te jeteses, gradualisht u pushtuan nga vala e ksenofobise. Atmosfera ishte aq e nxehte dhe fushata aq gjithe perfshirese sa njerezit humben kontaktin me realitetin. Sipas ortodoksise se re, Serbet ishin viktima te shfrytezuar nga dhe ne rrezik prej popujve te tjere te Jugosllavise. Ndersa ata kishin bere sakrifica te panumerta dhe kishin derdhur gjak per te krijuar Jugosllavine dhe kishin qene fitues neper luftera, ata ishin gjoja mashtruar ne kohe paqe dhe shperndare neper disa republika ne kohen e shtetit te decentralizuar te Titos. Si cdo teori tjeter komploti, ka edhe ketu nje grimce te vertete ne ortodoksine e re Serbe. Por eshte nje grimce teper e vogel. Po te shikohen per shembull, marredheniet ndermjet Serbeve dhe Kroateve. Ndersa propagandistet e sotem (ne te dyja krahet) thone se keta popuj kane luftuar me njeri tjetrin qe prej shume kohesh, rivaliteti Serbo-Kroat eshte ne fakt nje fenomen i shekullit te 20te. Ne shekullin e 19te, nacionalistet Kroate, te cilet ishin te zene duke luftuar ndaj Austriakeve dhe Hungarezeve, kane qene ne fakt admirues te medhenj te Serbise dhe perkrahesit me te medhenj te nje shteti Jugosllav. Dhe partia ne fuqi ne parlamentin Kroat te vitit 1914 e cila votoi per te nisur luften me Serbine ishte Koalicioni Serbo-Kroat. Me pas vjen Lufta e Dyte Boterore. Per Serbet, ky konflikt eshte prova me e madhe qe ata kane pothuaj nje monopol te vuajtjeve dhe si rrjedhim nuk mund te bejne asgje te keqe. Ne fund te fundit, ata do te thone se luftuan perkrah aleateve kunder Nazisteve dhe pesuan shume humbje ne njerez. Por a eshte me te vertete kjo nje pamje e asaj qe ka ndodhur? Ne nje shkalle te madhe Lufta e Dyte Boterore ne Jugosllavi ka qene nje perzierje e disa lufterave civile te cilat kane pasur pak te bejne me luften boterore qe luftohej jashte vendit. Te gjitha grupet, me perjashtim te Slloveneve, kane luftuar kunder Serbeve, megjithese jo te gjithe ne unison, ndersa nacionalistet ekstreme ne te gjitha krahet kane pasur mundesi te nxisin fantazite e tyre me te cmendura. Pjesa kryesore e ushtrise partizane te Titos ne fillim perbehej kryesisht nga Serbe te cilet largoheshin krimet e Ustasheve ne Kroaci dhe Bosnje, por jo nga Serbe prej brenda Serbise. Pervec se nje kryengritje te shpejte ne vitin 1941, e cila u shtyp egersisht, Serbia mbeti pak a shume e qete deri prane fundit te luftes. Hitleri vendosi nje udheheqes Kuisling, Gjeneralin Milan Nedic, i cili ishte besnik ndaj Nazisteve. Ne mungese te luftimeve, Nedic qe ne gjendje te spastronte komunitetin Hebre te Serbise nen mbikqyrjen e Gjermaneve, ne menyre me efikase se sa Ustashet komunitetin Hebre te Kroacise dhe Bosnjes. Megjithate, propagandistet Serbe ne vitet 1990 nuk hezituan te flisnin per nje ndjenje te vecante afersi midis Serbeve dhe Hebrenjve. Edhe ceshtja e te vrareve gjate luftes eshte shtremberuar shume. Numri zyrtar i Jugosllaveve te cilet kane vdekur ne luftime ndaj fuqive te Aksit ishte 1.7 milion. Shifra ishte vetem nje numer i perafert i kalkuluar menjehere pas luftes per qellime te demshperblimeve dhe ato propagandistike. Tito synonte qe nga njera ane te merrte sa me teper kompensime nga Gjermania dhe nga ana tjeter ti tregonte botes shkallen e heroizmit dhe vuajtjeve te Jugosllavise. Por ne qarqet nacionaliste Serbe, te cilat veprojne ne baze te principit “ sa me shume aq me mire”, shifrat e serbeve te vdekur zmadhohen deri ne nivele absurde--ngadonjehere deri ne 700,000 vetem ne kampin famekeqe te perqendrimit ne Jasenovac. Gjate viteve 1980, kerkime te pavavrura mbi kete ceshtje nga dy njerez Bogoljub Kocovic, nje serb i emigruar dhe Vladimir Zerjavic, nje kroat, kane dhene rezultate shume te ngjashme. Te dy kerkuesit nuk jane bazuar mbi numerime te trupave apo mbledhje te kujtimeve te te mbijetuarve por mbi analiza kompiuterike te regjistrimit te popullsise dhe indekseve demografike. Sipas Kocovic, shifrat e te cilit jane pak me te larta se ato te Zerjavic, rreth 1,014,000 ose 6.4% e popullsise se Jugosllavise se vitit 1941, kane vdekur gjate ose menjehere pas Luftes se Dyte Boterore nga te gjitha krahet. Sipas rezultateve te tyre, ne shifra absolute, serbet kane pasur humbjet me te medha, me 487,000 te vdeku. Shifrat jane tronditese--dhe vetem numrat nuk mund te japin ne menyre adeguate tmerret e kryera. Por per fat te mire ato jane shume me te uleta se shifrat zyrtare, dhe natyrisht me te uleta se ato te ekstremisteve nacionaliste. Kontributi i Jugosllavise ne radhet e Aleateve eshte gjithashtu ekzagjeruar shume, se pari nga vete fituesit dhe me vone edhe nga zyrtare shteterore te cilet deshironin te justifikonin politiken e mosnderhyrjes ne konfliktin e tanishem. Per shkak te kaosit te shkaktuar nga lufterat civile brenda Jugosllavise, Gjermania asnjehere nuk ka pasur nevoje te vendose nje numer te madh trupash atje.

Te vetmet here qe Gjermania ka pasur nje numer te madh trupash ne Jugosllavi ka qene gjate pushtimit 12 ditor me 1941 dhe me 1944 kur trupat e vendosur ne Greqi u terhoqen nepermjet Jugosllavise. Perndryshe, Gjermania eshte mbeshtetur ne aleatet e saj, Italianet, Hungarezet dhe Bullgaret, si edhe tek bashkepunetoret vendas per te mbajtur nen kontroll Jugosllavine. Luftimet me te ashpra jane kryer kryesisht ne Bosnje. Pavaresisht se c’fare aspekti te historise Serbe studion, versioni zyrtar i dale nga Beogradi duket se bie ne kundershtim me faktet. Ajo qe eshte vecanerisht e trishtueshme, eshte qe deri pak kohe me pare, perpara daljes ne skene te Miloshevicit , Serbia ka qene republika me liberale dhe progresive ne Jugosllavi. Mediat serbe ishin vecanerisht te hapura ne baze te standarteve te Europes Lindore dhe opozita politika ishte e tolerueshme madje edhe inkurajohej. Duke pare prapa ne historine serbe eshte e mundshme te interpretosh shume ngjarje ne menyra te ndryshme madje edhe te gjesh periudha te bashkepunimit midis serbeve dhe joserbeve. Pavaresisht nga rezultatet e fushates se NATO-s e ardhmja e Serbise mund te varet ne nje pjese te madhe nga lufta me historine e saj.

*Christopher Bennett eshte ish drejtor i Grupit Nderkombetar te Krizave ne Ballkan dhe autor i librit Shkaterrimi i Pergjakshem i Jugosllavise

[Arb]

Serbia at a crossroads as loss of Kosova looms


By Ellie Tzortzi - Analysis
BELGRADE (Reuters) - When Serbia's leaders appeal to the United Nations on Wednesday to block independence for its breakaway Kosovo province, it will be a plea based on history, emotion and the bitterness of 15 years of defeats.
It will also be a reminder to the West that although nationalist Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic is dead, the hardline defiance and victim complex he exploited in his people is still part of the national psyche.

"Most Serbs have never visited Kosovo and don't want to go to Kosovo, but they see it as part of their founding legend," said James Lyon, senior Balkans adviser of the International Crisis Group think-tank.

Serbs are brought up on poems of the medieval kingdom, defeated by the Ottomans in the epic Kosovo battle of 1389. The national myths are tied to the symbolism of a land that is home to the Serbian Orthodox church and hundreds of monasteries.

"Even for Serbs who are not religious, Kosovo is a defining point," Lyon said. "Once you bring up Kosovo, rationality goes out the window. Serbs are so sold on this legend and myth, they don't know what the reality is."

The U.N. Security Council meets on Wednesday to discuss Kosovo's future after negotiations failed to secure agreement. The Kosovo Albanians have said they plan to declare independence within months, despite Serbia's fierce opposition.

Multi-ethnic as far back as the Middle Ages and contested by warring neighbors, Kosovo had a mostly Albanian population by the early 1900s. In Josip Broz Tito's socialist Yugoslavia after World War Two, it had a high degree of autonomy and relative social and ethnic peace.

Milosevic's rise to power -- heralded by a bellicose speech he delivered in Kosovo in 1989 -- rolled back many of the rights of the 90-percent Albanian majority.

When a guerrilla war against Serb forces began in 1998, the crackdown was brutal. About 10,000 civilians were killed, mostly Albanians, and 1 million were expelled for months.

WESTERN INTERVENTION
NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999 until Milosevic withdrew troops. The U.N. took over Kosovo, keeping a lid on Albanian independence dreams.

Croatia and Bosnia fought free of Serb-dominated Yugoslavia to internationally recognized independence but Serbia kept a fig leaf of sovereignty over Kosovo through U.N. resolution 1244.

Serbs were never told they had been defeated, said Srdjan Bogosavljevic, analyst at Strategic Marketing polling agency.
"Generals were given medals and Milosevic presented it as a big victory," he said. "All those in power since have stuck to that line, never spelling out that Serbia lost the war. This denial will last as long as the political elite insists on it."

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica is at the vanguard of the new battle for Kosovo. Once hailed by the West as a moderate, he now epitomizes the hardline challenge to the West.

"For us, Kosovo independence does not exist and cannot be," he told Russian television last week. If the West recognizes Kosovo it would be to create "a puppet state", but Serbia was relying on Russia to block U.N. recognition forever, he said.
Tim Judah, an author and commentator on the Balkans, said Serbs would feel they would be losing yet another war, although many mistrusted their politicians and knew Kosovo was lost.

"There is a feeling that we are at the end, that the destruction of Yugoslavia started in Kosovo and will end in Kosovo," Judah said. "But Kosovo has another resonance, it's more important historically and spiritually."

MAXIMUM AUTONOMY
Serbia has offered the Albanians "maximum autonomy", all the trappings of statehood without the borders, army and U.N. seat.

A plan to give Kosovo independence under European Union supervision was blocked by Russia but a majority of EU member states plan to implement it anyway.

Some 70 percent of Serbs want Serbia to join the wealthy EU, government polls say. But 75 percent would reject membership if it were conditioned on Serbia recognizing an independent Kosovo.

Kosovo is expected to declare independence in the first few months of 2008. Analysts expect protests, hardline rhetoric and maybe a resurgence of nationalism or a symbolic tilt to Russia.

"The 'Greater Serbia' idea feeds on crisis," said Andjelko Milardovic of the Zagreb-based Centre for Political Studies. "It would take a transformation of Serbian society, and improvement of social and economic conditions, for it to lose its appeal."

The EU has offered Serbia a fast track to membership to help overcome the loss of Kosovo, once it arrests the last four Serbs wanted by the Hague war crimes tribunal.
No matter what the West does, Serbia's destiny is in the hands of rival leaders Kostunica and President Boris Tadic. Tadic, seen as a pro-Western moderate, faces ultra-nationalist Tomislav Nikolic in a presidential election next month.

"There is an ideological conflict going on right now," Judah said. "How that conflict is resolved in the next weeks and months will determine Serbia's future in the next 10 years."
(Editing by Timothy Heritage)

[Arb]

Dear A - I am writing this because some of my best friends are Serbs, and because of the historical links between Serbs and Jews. Some of my best friends are also Kosovar Albanians, and as Jews, who have been stateless for such a long time, many of us understand and support their quest for self-determination and independence.

This is a crucial time for Serbia, and it appears that because of a fixation on the past - revered and sacred as it may be - Serbia may be forfeiting its chance of future association with the European Union, to which by history and culture your country certainly belongs.

Let us first start with the incontrovertible facts of the present: 90% of the population of Kosovo is ethnic Albanian, and they will never willingly revert to Serbian rule, which after the annexation of Kosovo to Serbia in 1913 has been to them a continuous history of exclusion, discrimination and eventual ethnic cleansing. Nor will the democratic West accept a return of Serbian rule.

Does it mean that the Kosovar Albanians are blameless? Of course not. In ethnic conflict no side is totally right or totally wrong.

I know you view Kosovo as your Jerusalem, and this argument falls on willing ears in Israel and among Jews generally.

But if the population of Jerusalem would have been 90% Arab, the Israeli claim to it would certainly be very tenuous.

I know you have deep historical associations with Kosovo, which since the emergence of Serbian nationalism in the 19th century has been christened "the cradle of Serbian civilization."

Yet one cannot draw 21st century borders according to historical links which overlook the wishes of the present population. The question is not territory, but people. It is for this reason that most Israelis today are willing to give up claims to the historical regions of Judea and Samaria, even willing to consider Palestinian rule over parts of Jerusalem. History clashes with reality: this may be unfortunate, but one has to confront it.

I KNOW you claim that for centuries Serbia has been a bulwark of Christian Europe against Islam. I leave aside the unpleasant "clash of civilizations," if not racist overtones, of this claim. But - let's again be realistic: after all, you lost the battle of Kosovo in 1389 to the Ottomans, so you were not that successful in defending Europe against Islam (whatever this may mean).

You offer the Kosovo Albanians autonomy, not independence. Put yourself in their shoes. Was "autonomy" under Turkish rule in the 19th century sufficient for the Serbs? What's the difference?

I know all this may be very painful to you; and with some justification you may ask me: How can you call yourself a friend of the Serbs after saying all these things?

For a simple reason: I would like to see Serbia join Europe, just a Slovenia did and Croatia may in the future. Do not exclude yourself because of historical memories, do not be your own worst enemy. Do what modern nations - the French and the Germans, for example - have done after centuries of warfare: emancipate yourself from the shackles of the past, cut you loses (yes, modern nations have to do this too) and shape your future according to the values of self-determination and mutual acceptance.

And those Serbs, who would like to visit the monasteries and other historical sites in Kosovo, could do this - as today ethnic Germans visit their ancestral sites in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, without laying claims to these regions because of their centuries-old associations with them.

Serbia is a proud nation. It has a bright future ahead of it. Don't let the past steal it away from you.

The writer is professor of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and the author of a recently published intellectual biography of Theodor Herzl.

[drity]

"Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia and Romania are ranked among 70 world nations with high levels of human development in an annual UNDP report released in late November.


Albania and Macedonia have achieved improvements that have enabled them for the first time to join the group of nations with high levels of human development, according to the UNDP's annual Human Development Report, released on November 27th.

As in previous years, the report ranks 175 UN member countries, along with Hong Kong and the Palestinian territories, according to their levels of human development, placing them into three groups: high, medium and low. Serbia and Montenegro are among 17 nations not included in the Human Development Index (HDI) rankings this year due to insufficient data. The index gauges countries' average achievements in three basic dimensions of human development: life expectancy, adult literacy and income, as measured by GDP per capita in purchasing power parity in US dollars. Most of the data used in the assessment is for 2005. Iceland was ranked first this year, with a score of 0.968, ahead of Norway, which had held the top spot for the previous six years. Australia, Canada and Ireland round out the top five positions.



Albania and Macedonia were included with an overall score of 0.801 each, just 0.001 above the mark dividing the group from that of nations with medium levels of human development. Albania has moved up five places to 68th after improving its overall score by 0.017, thanks to its higher life expectancy index and an increase in its GDP per capita of more than $300. Although Macedonia has improved its overall score by 0.005, the country now ranks 69th, down from 66th last year, when the high human development group included 63 nations. Its higher score reflects an increase in its GDP per capita of about $600 and a 0.1 per cent improvement in its combined gross enrollment ratio for primary, secondary and university education, at 70.1p.c. this year.



All other SEE countries, except for Turkey, placed among the 70 nations in the high human development group. Among them, Greece once again ranks highest with a score of 0.926, retaining the 24th place. It has the highest combined gross enrollment ratio for primary, secondary and university education (99 p.c.) and, with a GDP per capita of $23,381, Greece has the highest GDP among countries in the region. With a score of 0.903 -- the same as last year -- Cyprus has moved up a place to be ranked 28th. A life expectancy of 79 years makes it the regional leader in this indicator. Despite its higher overall score this year -- 0.850, up from 0.841 in the 2006 HDI -- Croatia has slipped three positions to 47th. In terms of adult literacy, which is at 98.1 per cent, it ranks third in the region afterAlbania and Bulgaria, where 98.7 p.c. and 98.2 p.c. of the people aged 15 and older are literate, respectively. Croatia is ahead of both EU members Bulgaria and Romania. However, an improvement of 0.008 in Bulgaria´s overall score -- raising it to 0.824 -- has allowed the country to move up one place to 53rd. Compared to the 2006 HDI, the country´s GDP per capita has increased by nearly $1,000 to stand at $9,032.



Romania, which joined the EU on January 1st, 2007, along with Bulgaria, is again ranked 60th with an overall score of 0.813, reflecting its lower indices for life expectancy, adult literacy and combined gross enrollment ratio for primary, secondary and university education. Bosnia and Herzegovina has slipped four positions to 66th, but has slightly improved its overall score, set at 0.803, up from 0.800 last year. An increase of 0.018 in its overall score, now at 0.755, has allowed Turkey to move up eight places since last year, to be ranked 84th. However, it is still among the 85 nations in the medium human development cluster.



Twenty-two countries -- all in sub-Saharan Africa -- fall into the category of low human development. Mali, Niger, Guinea-Bissau, Burkina Faso and Sierra Leone fill the last fivepositions in the HDI, with scores ranging from 0.380 to 0.336.


http://www.portalino.it/nuke/modules...icle&sid=26913

[ClaY_MorE]

I shkruajnë Presidentit Topi: Mos e dekreto ligjin, prek edhe librat


Nga këtej e tutje, për të lexuar gazetat dhe revistat prestigjioze ndërkombëtare në Shqipëri në variantin e printuar do të jetë një gjë e pamundur. Botuesit ndërkombëtarë kanë reaguar menjëherë pas vendimit të Parlamentit shqiptar për të futur në skemën e Tatimit mbi Vlerën e Shtuar edhe produktet e shtypit që vijnë nga importi. Dje, shpërndarësit e shtypit botëror njoftuan se e kanë pezulluar dërgimin e gazetave të huaja në Shqipëri, për shkak se Parlamenti shqiptar aprovoi muajin e kaluar vendosjen e Tatimit mbi Vlerën e Shtuar mbi to. Kjo, sipas Peter Emond, menaxher i përgjithshëm i agjencisë "Distripress", me qendër në Zvicër, ka rritur dukshëm kostot e dërgimit të shtypit ndërkombëtar në Shqipëri. Për pasojë, "Financial Times", "La Repubblica", "The Economist", "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" apo "Le Monde" do t‘i mungojnë lexuesit shqiptar, duke rikthyer historinë e përpara 17 viteve, ku regjimi totalitar e kishte ndaluar tregtimin e këtyre gazetave apo revistave në vendin tonë. Për pasojë, këtej e tutje rruga e vetme që u mbetet shqiptarëve për të mësuar se çfarë shkruajnë gazetat më në zë të botës, do të jetë interneti. "Distripress" i është drejtuar për këtë problem madje edhe Presidentit shqiptar, Bamir Topi, duke i kërkuar atij të mos e dekretojë ligjin që aprovoi Parlamenti muajin e kaluar. Ligji në fjalë takson me 20 për qind të gjitha produktet e shtypit, të cilat hyjnë në Shqipëri. Një kopje e letrës i është dërguar dhe agjencisë amerikane të lajmeve "Associated Press". "Ligji i ri do të detyrojë shoqëritë e shpërndarjes të ndalojnë aktivitetin e tyre. Kjo do të thotë fundi i prezencës së shtypit ndërkombëtar në Shqipëri. Por ligji mund të prekë edhe importet e librave të huaj.

Letra tjetër

Por, ajo e shpërndarësve të shtypit të huaj, nuk është letra e parë që ka mbërritur në tryezën e Presidentit të Republikës së Shqipërisë. Më parë, Bamir Topit i ishin drejtuar edhe botuesit shqiptarë. "Ne kërkojmë nga Presidenti Topi që të mos e dekretojë këtë ligj, i cili nuk ka logjikë ekonomike dhe është i dëmshëm për kulturën dhe reformën në arsim", thuhej në letrën që ata i kanë drejtuar Presidentit Topi. Në këtë letër, botuesit shqiptarë kanë argumentuar se ligji favorizon interesa të ngushta të disa personave në pushtet, të lidhur me shtypshkronja të caktuara dhe diskriminon grupe të tilla interesi, si: botuesit, autorët e teksteve shkollore dhe drejtpërdrejtë mësuesit e nxënësit që i përdorin këto tekste. Në letër, ata kanë shpjeguar se vendosja e TVSH-së për librat vetëm në import, i vendos shtypshkronjat e vendit në pozita favorizuese përkundrejt shtypshkronjave jashtë vendit dhe cenon parimin bazë të barazisë në konkurrencë, duke i shmangur shtypshkronjat e vendit nga konkurrenca dhe nxitja për të rinovuar teknologjitë e tyre të vjetruara. "Në këto kushte, edhe çmimet e shtypjes nuk ka gjasa të bien në nivelet e çmimeve në të cilat punojnë shumë shtypshkronja të rajonit, por përkundrazi, të rriten", pohojnë botuesit, duke shtuar se sipas këtij ligji, detyrohen t‘u drejtohen vetëm shtypshkronjave të vendit, por paradoksi është se as kapaciteti, as cilësia e shtypjes dhe as afatet e shtypjes nuk do të mund ta bëjnë të realizueshme këtë.


Gazeta Shqip

[Ujku'80]

Nje menyr e thjesht por mjaft efikase per te hequr qafe shtypin dhe botimet e huaja. Tani sali te ngelet te mos na lesh te shohim as tv e huaja.

[ajzberg]

Eshte gafa me e madhe po te ndodhi,keshtu dhe mezi blen nje liber duke u zene me gruan.

[Cimo]

Bajroni shqiptar, në mbarë botën

ILKA KAPEDANI

Ndër 23 portrete të Bajronit që mbushin selinë e “National Gallery” në Londër, ai më i famshmi “Bajroni me kostum shqiptar”, përfshihet në një katalog bashkë me 2500 piktura në vaj, botuar në Angli, nga ku do të shpërndahen në Mbretërinë e Bashkuar dhe në qindra ministri apo përfaqësi angleze në mbarë botën. Por pak e dinë që piktura e famshme e Thomas Phillips-it, shfaqur për vizitorët dhe riprodhuar për katalogët, është një kopje e bërë nga vetë autori pas vdekjes së Bajronit. Piktura e vërtetë, ajo për të cilën poeti i njohur anglez ka pozuar në 1813-n, gjendet prej pesëdhjetë vjetësh në rezidencën e ambasadorit britanik në Athinë



Është një rast i ri për ta parë sërish Bajronin me kostum shqiptar në të gjithë botën. Ndërkohë që origjinali i portretit ka mbetur mister për publikun e gjerë anglez. Nëse kopja e “Bajronit me kostum shqiptar” ka thyer çdo lloj kureshtie në sallën e “National Gallery” të Londrës, origjinali ndodhet prej 50 vitesh në selinë e Ambasadës Britanike në Athinë. Ndër 23 portrete të Bajronit që mbushin galerinë e “National Gallery” në Londër, vetëm portreti me veshjen e shqiptare që është më i famshmi së fundi botohet në një katalog gjigant në mes 2500 pikturave.

Por pak e dinë që piktura e famshme e Thomas Phillips-it, shfaqur për vizitorët dhe riprodhuar për katalogët, është një kopje e bërë nga vetë autori pas vdekjes së Bajronit. Piktura e vërtetë, ajo për të cilën poeti i njohur anglez ka pozuar në 1813-n, gjendet prej pesëdhjetë vjetësh në rezidencën e ambasadorit britanik në Athinë.

Kjo kopje del për herë të parë brenda një katalogu me piktura vaji në Mbretërinë e Bashkuar, e cila do të shpërndahet në qindra ministri apo përfaqësi angleze në mbarë botën. Këtë lajm të fundit e bën të ditur gazeta e përditshme britanike “The Guardian”.

Si për ironi të fatit, ndërtesa ku ka banuar për pesëdhjetë vjet “Portreti i një Fisniku me veshje shqiptare” ka qenë shtëpia e Elefterios Venizellosit, shpikësi i Megali Ideas. E blerë në vitin 1936 pas vdekjes së Venizellosit nga qeveria britanike, ndërtesa në rrugën “Loukianou 2” ka shërbyer që atëherë si Ambasadë Britanike në Athinë, si edhe si rezidencë e ambasadorit, duke e bërë dëshmitar të disa ngjarjeve historike, mes të cilave vizita e Winston Çërçillit në dhjetor 1944.

Është pikërisht pas përfundimit të luftës, që piktura iu fsheh publikut të gjerë, duke u transferuar nga Akademia Mbretërore Angleze në Ambasadën Britanike në Greqi.

Bajroni pozoi për piktorin Thomas Phillips në vitin 1813, katër vjet pasi kishte blerë në udhëtimet e tij nëpër Ballkan kostumin e famshëm shqiptar. Portreti vertikal e paraqet poetin të veshur me një xhaketë kadifeje të kuqe e të praruar dhe me një shall të kuq me vija të kaltra pështjellë rreth kokës si çallmë, me këmishë të bardhë dhe një xhevahir të madh në jakë, ndërsa mban në krahë një jatagan apo shpatë me dorezë të purpurt.

Në 1835-n, njëmbëdhjetë vjet pas vdekjes së Bajronit, Phillps-i (1770-1845) do të riprodhonte pikturën e tij, e bërë ndërkohë e famshme. Të parën ia dha të birit të poetit, i cili do t’ia dorëzonte në 1862-shin Galerisë Kombëtare të Portreteve në Londër, ku gjendet edhe sot e ekspozuar për të gjithë, kopja tjetër, e porositur nga botuesi i Bajronit, John Murray, gjendet në zyrat e shtëpisë botuese në “Albermale Strët” në Londër.

Thomas Phillips (1770-1845) ishte piktor i njohur për tablotë historike dhe portretet. Kjo fazë e dytë e karrierës së tij si piktor portretesh nis kur ai zgjidhet në Akademinë Mbretërore në vitin 1808. Ishte profesor pikture në këtë akademi në vitet 1825-1832. Phillips është autor i portretit të poetit tjetër të njohur anglez, William Blake.

Tani në vendin e tij do të shfaqet një tjetër vepër e tij, e cila kishte mbetur “e fshehtë” për publikun e gjerë dhe është portreti i parë, origjinali i “Bajronit me kostum shqiptar”, që do të dalë edhe fizikisht nga Ambasada Britanike në Athinë për t’u bërë pjesë e një ekspozite mbi orientalizmin të organizuar nga “Tate Gallery” në disa vende të botës. “Të rreptët bij të shqipes”, që drejtojnë institucionet kulturore mund të përçapen që “Portreti i një fisniku shqiptar” me fytyrën e Lord Bajronit të ndalet edhe në Shqipëri”.

George Gordon, apo i njohuri si Lord Bajron vizitoi Shqipërinë e Jugut në vitin 1810 dhe mbeti tejet i emocionuar nga bukuria e egër e këtij vendi, nga shpirti krenar i vendasve, nga zakonet dhe kostumet e tyre, aq sa do t’iu kushtonte vargjet e mësipërme tek “Childe Harold”

[drity]

Ja edhe miqte tane qe perpiqen te na ndihmojne me sa munden.


"Great Albania" as base for attack on Europe

Ioannis Michaletos

The ongoing Kosovo status culminations are inescapably related to the quest of “Great Albania” by Albanian nationalists, Islamic organizations and ambiguous international interests linked in various occasions with transnational criminal entities. The real cause of their aim is the influence across the Balkans so as to format a convenient base for their final target which is Europe.

As it can be understood, the Albanian nationalists are mainly interested in creating a larger state by encompassing all Albanian minorities in the neighboring states. Inevitably that means conflicts across the Balkans for years to come, and it is puzzling how the international community is not interested enough to control the aims of the Albanians that first and foremost put in danger the European prospects of the whole of the region.

Just a few days ago, Nait Hasani member of PDK Presidency called towards the goal of a greater Albania. “First there should be supervised independence as proposed by Ahtisaari. But it is known that Kosovo and Albania citizens are one nation who want to live in one state," Hasani is quoted as having told a Polish paper. It is interesting to have a glance of the bio of this individual that proposes a blunt border change.

Nait Hasami In 1997, Hasani was sentenced to 20 years in prison for murder of 3 Serbs in Decani and an attempted murder of the Dean of the Pristina University Radivoje Popovic, an ethnic Serb. In 2002, Serbian government gave Hasani an amnesty for the killings. Hasani is quoted of saying that the amnesty was a result of the pressure exerted by the Albanian "allies the USA". Today, Hasani is a member of the Kosovo Albanian government.

It seems that justice can be very lenient when it comes in protecting persons that play their own role in creating instability in the Balkans, and that might just be the real intentions of the “Great Albania” movement.

In parallel another interesting development occurred in Albania relating to the “Great patriotic highway” that will connect Tirana with Pristina for the first time. This scheme is a crucial step towards the unification of Albania and Kosovo, since there is no other alternative and viable route for the time being that passes through the rugged mountainous borderline of these areas. For instance, a Serbian blockade in Kosovo will have tremendous consequences because Albania is not able to transfer great amounts of commodities with its present day infrastructure.
The Albanian parliament stripped the foreign minister of immunity on 27/12/2007, paving the way for the public prosecutor to charge him with corruption and abuse of power. The lawmakers voted 107-12 in favor of investigating Lulzim Basha over allegations of improperly favoring a U.S.-Turkish joint venture in the awarding of a highway construction contract while he was transport minister.

Basha, who was transport minister from September 2005 until becoming foreign minister in April of this year, could be tried for abuse of power, corruption and causing the budget to swell by some €385 million (US$548 million).

The allegations against Basha are related to an October 2006 deal the state signed with the Bechtel-Enka consortium, made up of San Francisco, California-based Bechtel International Inc. and Istanbul-based Enka.

The consortium was awarded a €418 million (US$595 million) contract to build a 65-kilometer (40-mile) section of road.

It must be noted that it is not the first time these two companies are accused in a corruption case in a joint Balkan project. In Romania there was a similar case as the “Alter media Information Group” reported.

More specifically an article named: “Turkish mafia constructs highway” a whole series of incidents and investigations is being relayed to the readers. A 415 Km highway worth some 2,241 million Euros was negotiated to these companies in 2003. The Romanian media commented that Enka (Full name: Enka Insaat ve Sanayi AS) along with Bechtel aim to capture most of the contracts in the Balkans. More importantly Enka has run into trouble being accused for handing out bribes to Turkish politicians for the Ismit highway back in 1997, and with the “White energy” project in 2001 that caused political uproar due to suspicious dealings by Enka.

Enka’s company website notes that, “Enka’s history begins in 1957, with the partnership between ?ar?k Tara and the late Sadi Gülçelik. The company was registered in Istanbul as a limited liability company with the name, “?ar?k Tara ve Sadi Gülçelik Enka Limited ?irketi.” Thus began a history of uninterrupted and accelerating development” Furthermore, according to Forbe’s Tara is one of the richest Turks with an estimated wealth of 1, 0 billion Dollars for 2006.

A level further into this Balkan construction story, one can find 2006 deal between Bechtel and Enka, signed by the accused Albanian minister. The current Bush Administration up until early 2006 was hesitant in promoting Albanian nationalism and has serious second thoughts for the Kosovo independence-secession. Nevertheless that year witnessed a sudden turn in the USA policy that might be related to economic interests, taking into account the strong bonds between the incumbent Administration and the Bechtel Company.
Enka is also viewed as a pivotal corporation for wider geoeconomic visions. In 2006 Enka along with the Greek Aktor joined forces and were awarded with a 2,0 billion Dollar contract to construct a large tourist complex in Oman, named Blue City in Muscat. The Turkish company has an interesting portfolio of projects in the Middle East and the acceptance of a Greek company is viewed as another way of combing forces that will ultimately include an influx of Turkish capital into the Balkans through Greece. Over the past few years and under a strong American backing various Greek & Turkish companies invested in each other assets, whilst in parallel Turkey’s policy was becoming further & further Islamic in nature.

Certain connections can be outlined for the financial institutions that are linked to Islamic causes in Turkey, such as the Al Baraka Finance and the link between Faisal Bank (Now named Family Finance) which has its roots in Saudi Arabia and the core of the Islamic elite of that country. The former is linked to Islamic-Balkan affairs. Vakufska Banka (Islamic bank in Bosnia) has several partners in Europe and especially in Turkey, where the bank is above all the main correspondent of Al Baraka Turkish Finance House. Mohamed Galeb Kalaje Zouaydi, financial head of al-Qaida in Spain, and financier of the Hamburg cell, transferred to UBL Courier for Europe, Mohamed Baiahah (aka Abu Khaled), and $97,000 US on July 2000, through al Baraka Turkish Finance House in Turkey. According to the Spanish police documentation, Muhamed Galeb Kalaje Zouaydi used several times Al Baraka Turkish Finance House to transfer money to al-Qaida operatives

The path towards a greater Albania and the Islamic element was early pointed out by the Tirana government back in 1992 when the then President Berisha included his country as a member of the Islamic Conference organization. In 9/2/1992 in the city of Skodra in Northern Albania Rejep Tsopa member of the Albanian Academy of Science, openly stated that the righteous solution of the “Albanian problem” would be the unification of all Balkan Albanians into a single state. It is important to highlight that Berisha draws his supports from the Ghegi Albanians of the North which have kinship bonds with the Kosovo and FYROM ones. That creates strong division with the Tosk Albanians of the South. One of the main characteristics of the former is their adherence to the Ottoman Empire and the modern day Turkey, whilst they were the first to collaborate with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in WW2. Currently these are the ones maintaining the closer ties with the various elements of the international Islamic fundamentalists, whilst the Tosks have closer relationship with Italy and Greece due to the prevalence of Christian religion and the stronger trade & social links.

It wouldn’t be improbable as to assume that the current development with the Albanian foreign minister can be attributed to this North-South division that stretched back since the Middle Ages. More importantly the notion of great Albania is vividly supported by the Ghegi in order to expand their influence while the Tosks risk marginalizing themselves in an expanded Albania with a majority of Ghegis who are organized still in Fis and maintain traditional modes of social cohesion such as their adherence to the Kanoun scriptures.

In 1997 the Albanian Academy proclaimed a “National dogma” by which they demand the autonomy of all Albanians living in FYROM, Montenegro apart from Kosovo who they viewed as independent ex post facto. Moreover they addressed the issue of the Albanians in Greece despite the fact that they were recent immigrants numbering a small percentage of the population.

On 3.11/ 2005 Arben Tzaferi the leader of the Democratic Party in Skopje stated in UK TV that Kosovo should be united with Albania and in that case FYROM Albanians should join as well. On the 14th of March 2006 the Albanian minister of foreign affairs, Beshnik Moustafai commented in an Albanian TV program that Albania cannot guarantee for the borders of FYROM. He also claimed that he made that clear in front of an EU delegation earlier this year.

On the 8th of April 2006, the Speaker of the House of Representatives in Kosovo, Kol Berisha also said around the possibility of border change in both Kosovo and FYROM.

Continuing on August 2006, Kotso Donai a political consultant of the Albanian President Berisha gave an interview in the Epoka journal of Kosovo and explained that by 2013 the “Natural Albania” should be created. The date implies the 100 years after the independence of Albania in the end of the Balkan wars. Natural Albania is a coined term that implies the border change in every state neighboring Albania containing ethnic Albanian minorities.

Lastly on the 10th of December 2007, Berisha along with Hashim Thaci appeared in the TV station “KLAN” and in the “Opinion” political debate program. Berisha said that “If we need to have one symbol for all Albanians, our official flag could change”

Concluding the great Albania path is influenced by personalities such as Bexhet Pacoli, the richest Kosovo Albanian in the world. He has claimed that “In Washington I am paying a team of 60 people who are lobbying for Kosovo in the administration of President George Bush and in the U.S. Senate and Congress”

He promoted the “Alliance for a new Kosovo” that propagates secession for the Eparchy from the Serbian state. According to the Free Republic "The Alliance for a New Kosovo is headed by two lobbyists from the U.S. offices of Jefferson Waterman, former vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council Samuel Hoskinson and former deputy assistant secretary for East-West trade in the State Department Kempton Jenkins.

This lobbying group will also act through its advisory body, which includes former U.S. secretary of defense and deputy CIA director Frank Carlucci, who served as secretary of defense in the Reagan administration and the long-time president of the Carlyle Group, a powerful military-industrial corporation.

Among the senior advisors of Carlyle is former U.S. president George Bush, and until the September 11 attacks its executive board also included the Bin Laden family".

The tangle of webs between Islamists from the Middle East, members of the American elite and Turkey’s use as a middle ground are all to be found in the path towards a great Albania. A nationalistic aim that will facilitate the entrance of “Green money” into Europe along with the complete devastation of the Balkans from a new round of wars and the consequent involvement of Russia that would want to safeguard its newly founded energy routes.

On overall the present article aims to pin point some elements of the great Albania discussion, which was also commented in a previous article in Serbianna. It is an issue that encompasses the future geopolitical architecture of the Balkans and it is also related with the aims of Western economic interests that are collaborating with Islamic ones. Certainly is a matter that will be highly contested and debated for years to come.

As Christopher R. Hill noted: "We spent the 1990s worrying about a Greater Serbia. That's finished. We are going to spend time well into the next century worrying about a Greater Albania. ”

Hill was a US Ambassador to F.Y.R.O.M in 1999

[brooklyn2007]

Jo dhe aq lajm i mire nga nje prej revistave javore me te famshme ketu ne USA


Serbia refuses to give up Kosovo—even if it means giving up its shot at entering the European Union.


By Michael Levitin | NEWSWEEK
Jan 21, 2008 Issue | Updated: 11:14 a.m. ET Jan 12, 2008



There's a dark joke going around Serbia these days: "Russia finished the cold war with America—so Serbia is carrying on with it." Given the hostile stance of the two former superpowers over Kosovo, the assessment may be close to the mark. This week Washington heads to the United Nations Security Council's debate on Kosovo, with most of Europe alongside it, pressing for independence. But Serbia's Parliament has overwhelmingly rejected any future EU-imposed mission in Kosovo, and stands with the support of Russia and a growing list of countries including China, Indonesia and South Africa in its refusal to part with the region—even, according to Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, if it means shelving EU membership talks.

Serbia, it seems, has flipped the tables on the EU. For the first time, a European country outside the EU is not clamoring to be let in, but, on the contrary, making demands of its own, insisting Europe continue negotiations over Kosovo until an agreeable solution to all parties is met. To the Serb on the street, it's a perfectly rational move. When they look toward the EU's newest members, Romania and Bulgaria, they see their neighbors, admitted in 2007, with crumbling infrastructure and a lower average monthly income than the Serbs themselves. In a recent poll, 75 percent of Serbs rejected giving up Kosovo in exchange for EU membership.

Now Serbia is demanding Europe line up "with us or against us" on Kosovo, and a number of EU states are leaning Serbia's way. Those opposed to a unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence include Spain, Cyprus, Romania, Hungary, Slovakia and Greece. They argue that to forcibly separate the 90 percent ethnic Albanian and largely Muslim province from an unwilling Serbia will undermine stability in the Balkans and set a dangerous precedent for other separatist movements.
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For its part, the United States officially supports Kosovo's independence. But opposition has sprouted up. Former Navy admiral and Joint Chiefs of Staff adviser James Lyons warned this month against setting up a "Taliban-like state in the very heart of Europe" that "has known ties to the global jihad movement and organized crime." Its independence, he noted, will lead to a "train wreck" in relations with Russia. Last week former U.S. secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger cautioned against carving Kosovo away from Serbia for the repercussions it would have on future global policy.

At the same time, Belgrade is tipping further from the West. It has recently talked with Russia's state-controlled energy giant Gazprom about selling it 51 percent of Serbia's state-owned oil company. Tomislav Nikolic, a leading candidate in the Jan. 20 presidential election, has been in discussions with Russia about establishing a Russian military base there.

What to do? Serbia could generate some sympathy from the West by handing over war criminals like Bosnian Serb military chief Radko Mladic to The Hague. In return, the West might improvise a diplomatic solution of the sort that already exists in Taiwan and northern Cyprus, says Andrew Denison of Transatlantic Networks, a think tank in Bonn, Germany. "We don't really allow their independence, but they can say they're independent," he says. But until then, the Americans and Europeans will have to play shrewd power brokers and apply the brakes to their stated promise of Kosovar independence—a promise many believe should never have been made.

Meantime, things could become even more volatile. In this weekend's presidential election, Serbs will choose between Boris Tadic and the ultranationalist Nikolic. Tadic has long said Serbia's future lies with the EU. Yet the idea of giving up Kosovo is a nonstarter, even at the risk of further delaying entry into the European club. Nikolic takes a harder line. Kosovo, he says, must remain with Serbia, and he believes the European project is more or less irrelevant to Serbia. Russia is the neighbor that matters. For now, Tadic appears to be the front runner. But an upset victory by Nikolic, and the arrival of a hard-line government, may send negotiations spinning further out of control. His Radical Party could forge an alliance with Kostunica's far-right Democratic Party of Serbia, throwing EU prospects even further into doubt. With so much at stake, the West must ask itself whether a free Kosovo is worth further humiliating a volatile, Russia-backed Belgrade in the heart of the Balkans. This is one small, poor Eastern state that the EU may eventually want more than it wants the EU.

© 2008 Newsweek, Inc.