Ku ishe deri dje Edi Rama?

[DYDRINAS]

Edi Rama ka shume kohe qe po ben takime ne shume zona te vendit dhe aty ai per here te pare ne jeten e vet, po veren se aty infrastruktura qenka katastrofe, se aty njerezit jane shume te varfer, se aty nuk ka drita e uje etj etj dhe per kete ai po del cdo mbremje ne televizion duke thene se " Ja ku e ka cuar vendin politika e Sali Berishes!".

Edi po ben mire njehere qe per here te pare ne jeten e vet po njeh Shqiperine dhe po sheh me syte e vet se cfare kane bere paraardhesit e partise qe ai trashegon, qe nga viti 1944.
Edi tani po e kupton se Shqiperia nuk eshte vetem Bashkia e Tiranes, Bulevardi Deshmoret e Kombit, 21 Dhjetori dhe Pallati i Sportit ku ai luante ne ditet me te mira te tij bashke me te vellane.
Edi gjate komunizmit nuk ka pas kohe qe te vizitoje Shqiperine sepse atehere ai ishte shume i zene dhe nuk arriti te shkoje me larg se Mamurrasi (dhe aty i detyruar).
Edi nuk pati kohe te shihte zonat e veriut qe mbylleshin nga debora me muaj te tere, nuk pati kohe te shihte fshataret e te gjithe Shqiperise qe nuk kishin nje pike qumesht a nje cope buke per te ngopur barkun, nuk pati kohe as te mendonte se mijera te rinj si ai kalbeshin neper burgje per nje fjale goje, nuk pati kohe te shihte asgje sepse ishte shume i zene.

Po me mire vone se kurre!

Ai nuk e ka njohur kurre vendin e tij dhe tash po i duket se ai qenka shume i varfer ne te gjitha drejtimet!
Dhe ai me bashkimin e te gjithe forcave opozitare po mendon qe ti nxjerre perfundimisht shqiptaret nga varferia!

Sa i besueshem eshte ai tek ata shqiptare te varfer qe po i viziton per here te pare ne jeten e vet?
Si do ti nxjerre nga varferia ai ata nga varferia?
Nuk mjafton vetem konstatimi i gjendjes, sepse ajo dihet, por cfare propozon ai dhe partia e tij per kete?
Deri tash sa kam pare ai e ka gjetur zgjidhjen duke ju dhene doren si ndonje "star Hollivudi" te gjitheve dhe duke ndenjur per te pare nje ndeshje futbolli me ta.
Pastaj serish ne Tirane dhe rifillim i tureve neper Shqiperi, serish konstatime dhe serish ndeshje futbolli, por tash te Kampionatit Europian te vitit 2008 dhe me pas ato te Kampionatit Boteror te 2010.
Serish "Ja ku e ka cuar vendin politika e Sali Berishes" dhe serish asnje alternative!

Ku ishe deri dje Edi Rama?

[Jonian]

Jo se po mbroj Edin, por nuk duhet pare ai si Mesiah qe do t'i shpetoje te gjithe dhe do t'u tregoje rrugen per te Zoti (ose ne rastin konkret per ne Evrope).Edi ne fund te fundit dihet qe po kerkon karrigen e ngrohte te kryeministrit. Po deputetet e zonave qe zgjidhen nga keta te varferit cdo 4 vjet ku kane qene keto 15 vjet?

[ridy85]

po normal...ça pret...si gjith politikanet qe humbin pushtetin e tyre do fillojn turne neper vendin e tyre per ti mbushur mendjen njerzve.....esht puna qe ben opozita ne çdo vend te botes.....pse edi ramda do dilte ndryshe nga te tjeret....kur je siper karriges nuk mendon shum po kur kalon nga ana tjeter...fillon e ben sikur te interesojn problemet qe ka populli.....kjo esht hipokrizia e politikanve.

[D&G Feminine]

Me thene te drejten nuk e kam qef Edi Ramen per 2 arsye: 1. Eshte shume arrogant 2. U be socialist!!!

Megjithate ky artikulli i botuar ne New Yorker eshte shume interesant.

p.s. Artikulli eshte pak i gjate po lexojeni se ia vlen

PAINTING THE TOWN
How Edi Rama reinvented Albanian politics.
by JANE KRAMER
Issue of 2005-06-27
Posted 2005-06-20

Edi Rama is the mayor of Tirana, Albania, and it’s safe to say that the Balkans have never produced a politician so beguiling. You see him everywhere: six feet six, three-day beard, baggy black pachuco pants, funky black vest, red shirt, red socks, and the kind of shapeless black frock coat that East German clergymen used to wear. You hear him everywhere: a gravelly basso exhorting the lazy, seducing the skeptics, booming his way through a hip-hop track about Tirana that half the city seems to own. He is inexhaustible. He spends his days repairing the body and soul of a shattered capital and his nights prowling its streets, seeing that the work got done, and that no one has been stealing street lights or dropping beer bottles or cigarette wrappers—that people are behaving like citizens. Rama is a Balkan original, and maybe the most original thing about him is that he isn’t really a politician. He is an artist who, you might say, took Tirana for his canvas.

Rama has been in office for nearly five years (he was elected in 2000, at the age of thirty-six, and reëlected three years later), and the first thing he did as mayor was to order paint. He blasted the façades of Tirana’s gray Stalinist apartment blocks with color—riotous, Caribbean color—turning buildings into patchworks of blues, greens, oranges, purples, yellows, and reds, and the city itself into something close to a modern-masters sampler. (Art in America put a Tirana façade on its December cover; it looked like an abstract painting.) It was an extravagant gesture, but Rama thinks in extravagant gestures. “The city was without organs,” he says, meaning that it was a dump, and that nothing in it functioned. (“Kandahar” is how he usually describes it.) “I thought, My colors will have to replace those organs. It was an intervention.”

The interventions continued. Within a few years, Rama had managed to clear the choked, riverine city center of two thousand illegal kiosks and bars and cafés and shops and whorehouses and sleeping barracks and traffickers’ storeroom “motels”—the detritus of a decade of post-Communist freedom frenzy on city property. He carted away a hundred and twenty-three thousand tons of concrete and ninety thousand tons of garbage. He dredged Tirana’s Lana River, seeded thirty-six acres of public parks, relaid old boulevards, and planted four thousand trees. He lit the city—literally, since only seventy-eight street lights worked when he took it over. He cajoled the money for all this transformation out of the World Bank and the European Union and the United Nations Development Program and George Soros and the score of foundations and aid agencies and N.G.O.s that had set up shop in Albania in the early nineties. And he cajoled the work out of local contractors: anybody who wanted to build anything in the capital had to “contribute.” People enjoy Tirana now. They stroll and shop on the shady streets of what used to be their Politburo’s version of a gated neighborhood. They read the paper and drink espresso under the white umbrellas of cheerful, sprawling cafés. There is nothing remotely like Tirana in the rest of Albania. Most of its cities are still Kandahar. And its politicians, as often as not, are the clan bosses who control the contraband.

“People can say that my color is only makeup,” Rama told me, as we walked through town one mild February night, stopping on an old stone Ottoman footbridge he had just restored. “But suppose all makeup disappeared. Suppose all women had no makeup, no pretty dresses, no pretty hair.” It is Rama’s belief that Albanians are somewhat aesthetically challenged—and his mission is to meet that challenge. “These are not Parisians,” he said. “They can be calmed by beauty.”



Not long ago, Edi Rama was living a happy, hardscrabble artist’s life in the City of Light. He was a good painter, not a great one, and the only real difference between him and hundreds of other young painters making their vie de bohème in Paris then was that Rama was an Albanian painter—a breed not much seen in the West, or, for that matter, in most of the East, in the half century since a Communist Party Secretary named Enver Hoxha put Albania in the deep freeze of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy and shut the door. Rama had come to Paris in 1995 on a two-year fellowship to the Cité Internationale des Arts, and stayed. He didn’t have much, but it was pretty much all he wanted: a cheap apartment on the Rue du Faubourg-Saint-Antoine; a friendly neighborhood café; a great-looking German girlfriend; an old laptop; and his paints. He had had some shows, his paintings were selling, and he was feasting on Western art. He had fallen in love with Picasso on a trip to the Kunsthalle Bremen (“I saw my first Picasso; I thought, I’ll die”) and then with Mark Rothko and Francis Bacon and Max Ernst. Now he was in love with the Louvre and its Paolo Uccellos, and was working day and night on a series of new paintings. “Edi was a free spirit,” his friend and occasional Paris roommate, the Albanian video artist Anri Sala, says. “He was never interested in things, only in things that brought him closer to his vision.” He certainly wasn’t interested in trading Paris for Albania.

People were leaving Albania then (nearly a million, by the end of the nineties), not returning. The country was in chaos. Depending on whom you asked, it was “recovering from fifty years of Communism” or “making an irrepressible transition to democracy” or “being its Balkan self,” which, for practical purposes, meant that it was held hostage to a collection of traffickers, mobsters, hustlers, money launderers, and politicians who were bent or brutal (or both). Albania’s last Communist Prime Minister, a born-again Socialist Party leader named Fatos Nano, had been thrown in prison on unsubstantiated (if unsurprising) charges involving eight million dollars that had gone missing from an emergency food-aid deal with Italy a few years earlier. Albania’s President, an old Politburo doctor and new Democratic Party leader named Sali Berisha, was extolling the purity of Albanian money while two-thirds of the people—united, briefly, in a mass hysteria they took for capitalism—sank their pensions and their life savings into pyramid schemes that left the country bankrupt, its arsenals looted, and close to civil war.

The choice between Albania’s new “Socialists” and its new “Democrats” (two misnomers, used mainly because they sounded Western) amounted to what one Albanian called the poison or the axe, and it was not a choice anyone should have had to make. Rama’s own politics then were, by his description, “Paris left and Tirana troublemaker radical.” He had put in time as a leader of Albania’s young democracy movement in the early nineties, and had sat on Soros’s local Open Society board with a group of like-minded intellectuals determined to open their country to the West and escape what the anthropologist Mariella Pandolfi calls the Balkan conundrum of “permanent transition.” He had left a reputation, and a following, behind him—a reputation he maintained in Paris by writing columns for a Tirana paper on the subject of what was wrong with Albania. (“My bottles in the sea,” he calls his dispatches.) Safe in Paris, he was making the satraps tremble. In the winter of 1997, when he was home visiting his parents, two thugs rumored to be Berisha hitmen intercepted him on a dark road, beat him senseless with lead pipes, and left him for dead—an event he commemorated, in what has come to be known as “the Edi Rama style,” by staggering to a photographer’s house, on his way to the hospital, and posing for pictures of his cracked skull and his smashed, swollen, bloody face. “Thirteen blows,” he told his friends when the doctors removed his feeding and breathing tubes. (Berisha denies having ordered the attack.)

A year later, Rama flew home for his father’s funeral. He told his girlfriend, “I’m back in four days.” By the next morning, Fatos Nano—fresh from jail, Prime Minister again, and looking for a clean face to decorate an otherwise murky cabinet—had named him Minister of Culture. (His first “intervention” as a minister was to underwrite a movie theatre for Tirana, telling his colleagues that in terms of public morale and safety “a dark theatre with a good movie is more effective than an unlit street with a thousand police.”) In two more years, he was Tirana’s mayor. This spring, he was travelling to meetings every Sunday, and people said he was weighing the chances of becoming Prime Minister himself—something that most Albanians would welcome. Rama said no, that he had made a “moral contract” with Tirana, and that he “would not tear up this contract, even if they offered to make me king, let alone Prime Minister.” (Elections are in two weeks, and he is campaigning for the Socialists.) But the pols were already so alarmed at even the thought of an Edi Rama government that they had been doing all they could to derail him. Months before Tirana’s last mayoral election, Berisha had produced a dossier of Rama’s “crimes”—trafficking, laundering, mob connections, drug connections, terrorist connections, everything bad he could think of—and demanded a parliamentary investigation. Rama’s response was to wrap City Hall in sheets, like a Christo, with the accusations printed across them in big red letters. He called it “Happy April 1st from the Doctor.”

“Going from art to politics—I wouldn’t in any normal situation have done this,” Rama told me. “It’s impossible, it’s Kafka, it’s like changing sex. But I wanted to leave my name in the history of this city, this country. On the day of his funeral, my father gave me his most important lesson. I saw the crowds”—his father, Kristaq, had been Albania’s favorite sculptor, an inventive master of what could be called socialist-realist Baroque—“and I saw the respect they paid him. I saw that nothing is as valuable as leaving a good history behind you. I went to his grave and made a promise.”



Tirana was a small city of two hundred and fifty thousand people until the Communist regime unravelled and hundreds of thousands of northern clansmen, from near the Kosovo border, began to descend to its outskirts. Fifteen years later, more than seven hundred thousand people live in and around the city, but the original Tirana is still small, and the original families are still there. Edi Rama comes from one of those families. The Ramas were a Balkan mix, but “southern” in spirit—southern, in Albania, being a code for urban and (at least in origin) Christian, closer in culture and temperament to Greece, to the south, and Italy, just across the Adriatic, than to anyone in the largely Muslim north, much of it as primitive as it was when Lord Byron visited Ali Pasha. They were also part of that cautious, curious East European élite that had survived, shabbily but comfortably, during the Communist years by joining the Party and doing whatever complaining they did in private. They had considerable privilege: a roomy apartment; a studio for Kristaq; the use of their old family villa, south of Vlora, where the Adriatic meets the Ionian Sea. They were educated and, to an extent, travelled. Rama’s father had studied art in Leningrad. His mother, Aneta, who was one of the country’s first women dentists, had trained in Lodz. His younger brother, Olsi, who, like Edi, studied at home, now lives with his own family in a Detroit suburb and is part of a research team at the Karmanos Cancer Institute.

Rama was born during Albania’s “Mao years,” after the country broke with Russia and attached itself to China. And it may be a measure of how bleak and isolated life in Albania was then that people remembered the Russians with something close to nostalgia. For Rama, it was a drama played out at home: “My father was a Communist. For him, Communism meant studying art in Russia, it meant Mayakovsky and the spirit of that moment—it was like being completely drug-addicted. He came slowly down, making a balance between disillusion and fear. He was decent, quiet, he never had many words, but he was a hostage of the need to keep his family safe. He became more and more silent. In our family, it was always possible to argue. But the feeling was: ‘What for?’ ”

When Rama talks about the family, he prefers to start with his father’s mother, who arrived in Tirana from Durres after the Second World War. His grandmother was a Catholic (most Albanian Christians are Orthodox), and he says that, for him, she was a glimpse into a forbidden world. He remembers her during the Mao years, when religion was a constitutional offense, whispering her rosary at night in the nursery, where he and Olsi slept. “After lights-out, I would hear that low voice, making her prayers. She was my night music.” He says that she planted the seeds of “an alternative way of thinking in me, an alternative to what Communist ideology meant by ‘love’ and ‘values.’ ” When he was a baby, she brought a priest into the apartment and had him baptized secretly; she gave him “shelter against everything that was taught out loud.”

At eighteen, Rama entered the Albanian Academy of Arts—a place where “painting stopped at Courbet.” But by then he was lost in another forbidden world, a world he had discovered, as a boy, in clandestine chance encounters—a book or a journal here, a picture there, a smuggled tape, an instrument. He remembers hearing a saxophone for the first time. Saxophones were banned in Albania, which may be why the day a school friend whispered, “Want to see a saxophone?” is as memorable to him as the day he saw his first nude drawings. He says that the sound of that saxophone—a few notes, played in his friend’s attic, with lookouts posted on the stairs—was “like a strange amplification of the miraculous,” and started him wondering “why all these beautiful things were bad.” Beautiful things were hard to find in Albania then. Rama took to visiting one of his father’s old art professors who had studied in Florence in the thirties and was said to own two volumes of Impressionist prints. (“They were like pearls, like nectar,” he says.) He started hanging around the National Library, staying late to help the maids clean; his pay was five minutes alone with a banned book of Georges Braque’s paintings. “A spiritual sandwich,” he calls it.

No one knows how Rama survived Communist Albania. His friends claim it was because he was tall—“Nobody in Albania is that tall,” one of them told me—and was kept safe for the greater glory of the national basketball team, which he joined for a while in the late eighties, perhaps the only player in its history who could dunk. His brother says he survived on eloquence, intensity, and a gift for bullshit. He managed to graduate from the Arts Academy, in 1986, and even to be asked to stay on as an assistant professor. But he was also known for having the two most dangerous enthusiasms in Albania—God and art—and he was fast becoming a public figure. He started lecturing on Bauhaus principles. He embraced Expressionism. In fact, he introduced Albania to Expressionism, taking a Party commission for a forty-foot mural at a museum built to commemorate the draining of swampland for collective farms, and, with a painter named Vladimir Myrtezai, turning out “a work of Expressionism hiding in the theme of darkness” (Rama’s words). “It created a lot of noise and disappointment” in the Party, he likes to say.

Rama celebrated the fall of the Berlin Wall by opening an arts conference with smuggled tapes of Joe Cocker and Prince. He was premature. Albania’s Communists clung to power for two more years, and during those years Rama and his friends began to organize big open meetings, which they called Reflections, in a darkened Arts Academy auditorium where “everyone was equal.” They invited old political prisoners—“the buried-alive people”—to the Academy to tell their stories. They went to political rallies where ex-Communists like Berisha, trying to invent new parties, talked endlessly about democracy but never about the past, never about the fact that Enver Hoxha had led Albania astray. According to Rama, Berisha accused them of “opening the sewers of our society,” and when that happened he got on the phone to Voice of America and said, “Listen, we want to make a declaration. We are not flinging mud at the memory of Enver Hoxha. We are just starting to wash off the mud he flung on us.”

Rama says, “For me, it was as if Hoxha died at that moment. I thought, I’m a free man. I want the world.” He was on his way out of a brief and unhappy marriage. (He has a son, Greg, who is nearly fifteen.) He took the money he had just made from a show in Corfu, his first outside Albania, and started travelling—to France, Germany, England, Brazil, wherever he got a grant or an invitation or a cheap ticket. And he started thinking about the cities he saw and what made them work and what made them interesting. “Rome, for instance. I thought, This is the end of history, it’s where things ended, where the sun went to bed. Paris—well, there was the beautiful, transparent life of the Paris miracle, but it’s there for you, nothing comes out of it. The most impressive place was London. I felt the freedom, the energy of London.” He didn’t know why Albania couldn’t produce a great city.



“When I think about governance—about how easy it is—it makes me sick,” Rama announced one night over dinner at his favorite seafood restaurant, about a half hour out from Tirana. The Albanian soccer team was eating at the next table. Some of the players had just trooped over to shake hands with Rama, and one had mentioned that the Prime Minister was offering a four-hundred-thousand-dollar bonus if they beat Ukraine in a World Cup qualifying match scheduled for the next night. (They didn’t.) Rama was uneasy about the offer. He talked for a while about how well most young Albanians could do if they were simply left alone. Albania, with a population that is seventy per cent Muslim, remains, at least for now, a secular country, free from the kind of violence that ravaged Kosovo, next door. “We have no religious problem, no ethnic problem, only ourselves,” Rama said, finally. “And it would be so easy to be ourselves.” The problem was how.

A few days earlier, Rama had downloaded an Internet test that was going to read his “political compass.” It had a horizontal axis from “left” to “right” and a vertical axis from “libertarian” to “authoritarian,” and Rama had made his dot about halfway down the “left libertarian” quadrant, just to the right of Nelson Mandela and a bit more authoritarian than the Dalai Lama. He was satisfied, but he wasn’t sure. He said that the experience of running Tirana had convinced him that there was “nothing left or right in the way I deal with the world,” that the real divisions in Albania had less to do with politics than with honest and corrupt, peaceful and violent, and, especially, with “the hard-working people and the people who don’t respect work.” Right now, this is his only politics. “If I lived in Germany or France or England, no doubt I’d be totally with the left wing,” he told me. “But there is a huge difference in the situation there. At the end of the day, the ideology we need to embrace is the ideology of work. Right and left are only a question of how you distribute. For us, the key is to have something to distribute.”

Rama works all the time. His friend Dashi Peza—who put in a few years with him at City Hall and left, exhausted, to go into the hotel business—told me, “When I met Edi, we were boys, but he was more disciplined and devoted than a priest. I said, ‘Edi, relax, try some sin!’ ” Edi has tried. He learned to smoke in Paris. He developed a taste for wine. But, once he was mayor, he stopped, and now even a big meal can make him feel guilty. He goes on crash diets, some of them mystifying (“Days 12-13: white cheese, French fries, boiled vegetables”) but, he claims, punishing enough to make him feel “less spiritually heavy.” Even his old girlfriends—he introduced one of them to his aunt as “my fourth victim”—say that they had no chance against his passion for Albania. Today, he lives with his son and with his partner of five years, a preternaturally patient young television hostess and producer named Rudina Magjistari, who, he says, understands that passion. Magjistari says, “Well, to stay with Edi, you must understand him, you have to accept him as he is. Obsessive. Preoccupied. At first it was a bit strange.” Rama comes home at night and collapses on the couch, his head in Magjistari’s lap, never speaking, reading the Italian papers, surfing the local news, and text-messaging half the people he knows to see what they think of the news or, more accurately, the news about him, and what he should do about it. Text messaging is his addiction: he thinks of something, and he starts tapping. “Am I pissing you off?” he asks cheerfully whenever a friend complains. “Doing nothing makes me nervous.”

This year, Rama has been giving himself a crash course in economics. It’s a fairly haphazard exercise, inasmuch as most of the reading list, the advice, and, often, the books themselves have been supplied by visitors from abroad. Three years ago, the United Nations honored Rama for his work in Tirana. And last year, up against mayors from places like Athens, Rome, and Mexico City, he was chosen World Mayor 2004. (A city-watch group based in London took the poll.) Now everybody who comes to Albania wants to meet Edi Rama, and they bring books. “I’m always with a book, I’m reading about economy all the time,” Rama says. Todd Buchholz, Thomas Sowell, Hernando de Soto’s “The Other Path” and “The Mystery of Capital.” Hardly a left-wing list, but Rama, somewhat to his surprise, has become not only a law-and-order politician but an eager disciple of a group of unconventionally conservative economists—especially De Soto, whose books have convinced him that “the poor are not the problem but the solution to the problem.” De Soto comes from Peru, and it was his fairly successful theory that you could salvage the Peruvian economy by folding the poor into the propertied classes—turning squatters into owners, formalizing their titles to create a property-tax base that would open credit sources for them and turn dead capital into working capital.

This is Rama’s prescription for Tirana. He says that it fits Albania’s historical givens, the most important being that people who have lived through Communism, where everything belonged to the state, want to take back possession of their own lives—their land, their businesses, their homes. Some Tirana intellectuals call this a fetish of private property, but Rama points out that those intellectuals are not running a city with more than a quarter of a million people building illegally on its periphery. He has been constructing roads and schools and playgrounds, and laying power cables and water mains, in those outlying zones. It is part of his plan to engage the northerners living there—a snarly collection of mountaineers who tend to look more like extras from a Gypsy movie than like eager students of the mortgage system—in what he calls “turning piles of bricks into legal property.”

It’s not evident that the politicians will even let him try. Tirana’s squatters were first courted by Berisha, who, according to Rama, told them they didn’t have to buy their land, or pay for anything, or even register as residents, as long as they voted for him. Then they were courted by Nano, who had a keen interest in complicating Rama’s work—which is to say in doing whatever he could to keep Rama from succeeding him. Rama has been running out of things to offer. For one thing, the N.G.O.s are leaving, and taking their money with them. For another, Albania remains a thoroughly centralized country. The state decides how many policemen Tirana gets to patrol its streets and enforce its property-tax laws (a hundred) and how much water it deserves (twelve hours’ worth, on a good day) and whether its electricity arrives (off and on) and its schools and hospitals function (often, they don’t).

Tirana’s budget is small—about sixty-seven million dollars last year. (Baltimore, with roughly the same population, has a budget of more than two billion.) Rama raised thirty-seven million of that himself, from city licenses and service taxes. But the subsidies he used to receive from the state have dropped by half since he first took office, and he figures that this year, once he covers his costs—salaries, social services, maintenance—he will be left with only twenty-six million for his Tirana projects. His staff works mainly for love. His own salary is fifteen hundred and eighty-two dollars a month, and he rents his apartment. He and Magjistari used to get by living in two small rooms and eating at his mother’s, but four years ago a sniper fired through the kitchen window, missing Magjistari by a few feet. Eventually, they moved to a four-room walkup at the back of a closed courtyard, with a guard stationed at the gate and no window access from the street. Rama’s only perks are his Italian papers and his security detail. One Saturday when we drove to Vlora, a car with a couple of bodyguards joined us. They got out whenever we did. He never explained why.



Tirana’s City Hall sits in the middle of town, at one end of a group of Italianate government buildings that flank the entrance to an empty piazza called Skanderbeg Square—an enormous space that once housed most of the city’s sprawling Ottoman bazaar. The bazaar was nearly as old as Tirana. It managed, at least in part, to survive its occupiers of the past century—the Hapsburgs, the northern chieftain King Zog, the Italians, the Germans—but in 1959 the Communists razed it. They put up the obligatory Palace of Culture you found in most Communist capitals, and, eventually, a gloomy National Historical Museum, and then they stopped. The big roads into the city still converge on Skanderbeg Square, but there are no trees, no benches, no children playing, nothing but a flat, paved space that leaves you feeling vulnerable and exposed, which is just how Hoxha wanted you to feel in the presence of state power. “Tirana’s empty heart,” Rama calls it.

Rama restored the government buildings when he was Minister of Culture, along with an eighteenth-century mosque—the Mosque of Ethem Bey—next to City Hall, and a rare Ottoman clock tower behind it. His mission now is to rebuild the city center, and to bring Skanderbeg Square to life by pointing the life of the center toward it. He has invited some of Europe’s best architects to submit plans and to sit on juries, and has made the competition “transparent,” opening the process to the public and asking his judges to explain their choices—something unheard of in Albania and, in fact, in most of Europe. More to the point, he is trying to civilize the speculators and developers who now own most of central Tirana’s real estate, working openly with them, claiming whatever land he needs from them for public space—for a municipal pool, say, or a concert hall—and demanding that they use the rest according to very specific guidelines. What they get, in return, is a measure of status, a chance to look civic-minded and respectable, and maybe even to become respectable.

Right now, according to most estimates, at least a quarter of the Albanian economy is “informal,” which is to say, fuelled by crime and by improvised black markets. Construction is the country’s biggest legal industry and, as everywhere, the conduit of choice for most of the illegal ones—the time-honored way for getting dirty money into a safe Swiss bank. (Al Qaeda allegedly bought into Albania’s construction racket in the nineties, filtering Saudi money through an Egyptian investment group and into a stake in two exceptionally ugly black Tirana office buildings.)

Rama is a realist—“a realist who dreams,” he says—and he knows that his success with Tirana may depend on some of its least reputable people. Tirana’s developers and contractors have astonishing power. They control the press; there are seventeen dailies in the country, and they own all but a few of them. They own most of its seventy television stations, too. And they make their own political choices. One of Rama’s most ardent supporters is a contractor and businessman named Koca Kokedhima, who owns, among other things, Shekulli, the country’s biggest and best newspaper. (Rama, who likes him, describes him as thinking like a fox and looking like an “old-time Russian gangster.”) “Edi is a simple person, like me, a concrete person, a person who wants to build things” is how Kokedhima explains their friendship. He is proud of it, perhaps because Rama may be the first politician in his experience who doesn’t expect kickbacks: “I’m not entering inside his head. I’m not opening his heart. But he has been my best relationship in all these years.”

Rama makes no excuses for his belief that, if he wants to rebuild Tirana, he needs private investment in public projects—which means some sort of working partnership with the developers. He thinks he can control them. Some people are worried that the developers will end up controlling him. They say that, for all his new economic theories, Rama is an innocent among sharks. “It’s like when Edi would fall in love with a woman,” Dashi Peza told me. “He’d get on the phone with you for hours, explaining how intelligent she was, how passionate about people—how she was so great. Now he’s in love with politics, and so everyone is great.” But most of his friends think he’s shrewd. Ardian Klosi, a writer and translator who organized the Reflections with him, says, “Edi knows it’s not to his credit to deal with some of those businessmen, but he does it to build his roads, his city. He can speak their language when he has to. He’s a real politician.” One old friend has broken with him completely. Fatos Lubonja, a writer (and former political prisoner) of uncommon talent and huge resentments, rails at him on television shows, in newspaper columns, to just about anybody who will listen. “Rama, for the moment, is the focus of all the money interests in Tirana,” he told me. “Why doesn’t he construct through the banks, like people in Europe did?” Once, he said, “Rama’s biggest illusion is that he can work his way out of the system. Here, for honest people, it’s impossible to survive.”

In fact, it may not matter what anyone thinks about Rama. He is thin-skinned but headstrong. “Edi is a loner, a solitary fighter, not a team player,” Genc Ruli, an economist who is running for parliament on Berisha’s ticket, says. “He’s like the Balkans, which has lords, not leaders.” Mustafa Nano, the political columnist for Shekulli, puts it this way: “I have a fear that Edi’s democratic formation is a little deficient.” Even his friends admit that Rama runs the city by a kind of papal seduction. (His speeches could melt a stone.) But they say that he has no choice—that it is pointless to open more of “the Tirana discussion” to Tirana until what Rama calls “habits of citizenship” are in place and laws respected. Rama himself says, “This business of my always acting alone is a big myth! Sure, I go strongly for things. I have a strong personality. You know me, I’m always talking and talking, arguing and arguing. But in the end there has to be a decision.”

The master plan for Tirana—the winning design came from the French firm Architecture-Studio—calls for ten two-hundred-and-eighty-foot office and apartment buildings (skyscrapers, by local standards) to demarcate and punctuate two boulevards that run parallel to the park he plans for Skanderbeg Square. The jury liked the plan for its drama. The urbanists liked it for its density. The developers liked it for the shopping spaces reserved for the towers’ lower floors. But a lot of people claimed that it wouldn’t be “European” or that it would block their views of the mosque and the clock tower and out to Mt. Dajte, or that it would destroy Tirana’s “historic center”—though that center is, of course, long gone. After the vote, Rama told everybody what he told me: “Popes put up obelisks. These towers will be our obelisks. They are acupunctural!”

The jury for the first tower met in January of this year, and in February I sat in on the meeting where a new jury of architects chose the second one—a beautiful concrete-and-glazed-terra-cotta design by a group of young Belgian architects. It was muted, modest, and sensitive to what one of the Belgians nicely called “Tirana’s very difficult relationship with its history.” The developer who owns the land for it sat in on the meeting with me. He is an ex-bodyguard named Fidel Ylli, whom Rama has known since the days Ylli ran an illegal kiosk café that Rama frequented as a young radical and razed as mayor. Now Ylli’s company controls more than an acre of central Tirana, including a piece of land near Skanderbeg Square that Rama recently claimed for the city as “green space.” (“Do I look like someone who pays three million dollars for a park?” Ylli joked to a friend.) He didn’t like the Belgians’ tower; he wanted to build one that included a bigger shopping mall, and was made of glass and steel, materials that wouldn’t require special craftsmen. The jurors listened to him politely. They tried to soothe him, saying that with the Belgian design he would be giving Tirana a major European building. He wasn’t happy, but he stopped complaining when Rama raised his hand and said,“Well, gentlemen, we don’t need to dance anymore.”



Rama works in a vast and extremely eccentric office on the second floor of City Hall. He designed it himself. He put in marble floors with the Tirana seal in the center, and an elaborate white-and-gold coffered ceiling that he had had copied from an old Tirana hotel. The walls are covered with a blurry, blown-up sepia panorama of the old capital. Everything else is red. Red armchairs you can wheel around in. A red-stained desk. A red-stained conference table with a centerpiece platter of dried Albanian plants and flowers that a friend collected and Rama sprayed red. (“My Max Ernst,” he calls it.) When Rama isn’t messaging someone or writing something, he sits at his desk, feet up (“for lumbago”), and makes fantastical Magic Marker drawings on the backs of discarded memos. He hasn’t painted in seven years, but he never stopped drawing. He does his thinking that way. Often, his only company is a pair of large turtles, in a glass terrarium, which were prescribed as a cure for asthma by a doctor in Beijing.

People who knew Rama as a young man worry that politics has isolated him. He came to City Hall as an independent on the Socialist ticket—“collecting opinions,” he likes to say. But two years ago, a few weeks after his reëlection, and against the advice of many friends, he joined the Socialists, hoping to take over the leadership, or, as he puts it, “to have an independent position within the whole left-wing family.” It may have been his first serious miscalculation as a politician, given that the Party blocked him: the Socialists liked his lustre, but not many of them wanted an Edi Rama cleaning up their turf. Mustafa Nano, who calls Rama “the most bizarre Socialist in the world,” told me, “Edi rang. He said, ‘In two hours, I’ll be a Socialist. Is this right?’ I said, ‘What will happen if I say no?’ ” And Vladimir Myrtezai—the painter who worked with him on the mural—said, “Edi wants to be a protagonist, whereas I want to live my dreams in my painting. We have stayed friends, but we don’t see much of each other now.” Even Aneta Rama, whom I saw in Detroit when she was visiting Edi’s brother, told me that he had changed, that he often seemed tired, fragile, and distracted, that he wasn’t the same person who had always needed her.

Maybe not. Maybe he’s protecting a world he loves from a world he hasn’t had time to mend. Or maybe he has moved on. “I have always had a few people as points of reference,” he told me, the night before I flew home. “Now it’s these architects. My project is them. And, to be frank, maybe it’s also to fulfill my own ego, to be identified with something big in the eyes of everybody. I know that this obsession I have to make a big work, this identification with this city—I know it makes problems for me with my family, my friends. But for me Tirana is a mirror, an affirmation, a confirmation of my vision, or call it my will, or my person. This is something that comes from far away, like a destiny. . . . As for the rest, I’m not off message. I’m outside.”

[murik]

Edi Rama eshte nje sharlatan i rafinuar.Nuk e kuptoj absolutisht llogjiken e Edit kur per cdo gje i kundervihet Berishes.Nuk kam si qellim mbrojtjen e Berishes,por sa per kujtese te te gjitheve Berisha erdhi ne pushtet me ane te votes te lire,dhe pas 8 vjet qeverisje "shume te sukseshme socialiste".
Pyetja eshte shume e thjeshte: Kaq mire paskan jetuar shqiptaret per keto 8 vjet qe kaluan,dhe tani papritmas per 8-9 muaj u varferuam dhe u shkatruam per faj te Berishes?
Ky Edi vetem se mundohet te fshefe matrapazlleqet e tij ne kurriz te popullit te varfer,qe e lane edhe me te varfer pas 8 vjet dallaveresh.
U lyen fasadat nga nje ane,por nga ana tjeter femijet luajne mes plehrave,dhe te moshuarit thyejne eshtrat ne gropat e Edit.
U lirua nje lulishte dhe lana,por u bllokuan me mijra hektare me ndertime vend e pa vend me lejet e Super Edit.Une habitem edhe me socialistet e vertete,a nuk i vjen turp te drejtohen nga nje palo demagog?
Por mos u merzisni,koha do te tregoje se kush eshte Super Edi ne te vertete.

[YaSmiN]

Pushteti eshte dicka e embel per cdo politikan eshte nje pune te cilen thjesht e bejne per ate pushtet.Mendoj Edi Rama edhe si cdo Edi qe mund te dali neser ka nje qellim ti kundevihet kryeministrit perkates edhe pushtetit perkates.Mendoj se neser kur Edi Rama do behet Kryeminister do ti ket harruar ato vende te varfera qe ka vizituar ose ato problemet e popullit.Si te gjithe bejne sikur nuk kuptojne ose nuk dine.Kjo qe ben me Sali Berishen eshte thjesht nje loje politike por e pa organizuar nga Edi Rama per vendin qe do edhe mendoj se i pershtatet.

[MaDaBeR]

Po te gjithe keta Politikanet Shqiptar keshtu bejne, kush eshte ne Opozite shan punen e qeverise, thote duhet bere kjo e duhet bere ajo, e cfare nuk nxjerrin nga goja, dhe harrojne qe ishin po ata qe e lane ashtu.

Kush eshte ne Pushtet thote si ne ska, po bejme kete, kemi bere ate, do bejme gjithcka e nuk do leme asnje te mete.

Me keto fjale jane mesuar Shqiptaret tashme, nuk ju bejne me pershtypje, tani priten vetem vepra, se fjaleve pak kush ju a ve veshin.

[bledarz]

Mendoj se neser kur Edi Rama do behet Kryeminister do ti ket harruar ato vende te varfera qe ka vizituar ose ato problemet e popullit.

Po, po, se po jetojme ne shtepine e cudirave ketu.
As imagjinohet vendi yne me nje kryeminister si Edvin Rama,djali i vogel shpikes,qe me penel ne dore e moto rapistash,ben figuren e vet qesharake midis njerezish qe as kuptojne se c'budallalleqe flet

[ajzberg]

Edi Rama eshte perfaqsusi tipik i partise socialste .une nuk cuditem me deklaratat etij .Nuk i ngjan nje krokodili qe qan pasi ka ngrene prene etij/
Po si nuk doli njeri ti thote O Edi ti je lakuriq

[dp17ego]

Ai edhte prototipi i politikanit te tranzicionit.
Arrogant? Sigurisht qe eshte, po nuk me thoni si duhet te jete me nje klase te pasur te korruptuar, qe e nisi pasurine duke bere kontrabande nga telat e kufirit? Me nje kaste politike qe sheh vetem xhepat si duhet te jesh? Ai eshte produkt i kohes qe e lindi, rriti dhe e beri politikan; ai eshte une, ti, ai shumica e jone...(ma kuptoni drejt alegorine).
Nuk e shihni se kush del ne TV dhe flet, nuk i shihni programet e humorit mbushur me fjale banale, te turpshme qe nuk thuhen para zonjave dhe femijeve?
I shihni pra muziken, letersine se ku ka katandisur...shihni perkthimet cfare nnivel kane-sigurisht qe edhe politikanet te tille do te jene.
Nuk e shihni si na gjunjezoi moralisht ky tranzicion-dhe me kerkoni politese nga politikanet? E harruat '97 kur kemi pare mesuese apo intelektuale qe vidhnin shkollat, spitalet, bile edhe shtepite e foshnjes.....'97 nuk duhet t'a harrojme qe te kuptojme se si u renua morali i nje populli dhe se sa e veshtire eshte te mbetesh i mire sa lufte duhet te besh me te keqen cdo dite. Pra ai perfaqeson nje situate me teper se sa nje popull apo nje parti

Edi Rama eshte asgje me shume se nje politikan qe i pershtatet popullit tone gjate kesaj kohe. Ja imagjinoni nje politikan engjell ne krye te njeres nga partite sa paradoksale do te duket!

Por Edi Rama ka dale ballas kunder diktatures, te pakten eshte trim, ka dale ballas ne 1990 e kam pare vete si fliste kur te tjeret fshiheshin, Thua te kishte ca roje perreth dhe ne s'i shihnim???(une jam kunder partise qe ai perfaqeson, dhe do te isha i kenaqur qe Prof Sala t'a kishte terhequr ne partine e tij, por duket ne PD nuk ka mjaft vend per shume individe te afte, nje eshte mjaft, zaten edhe Dulla ate bente mblidhte rreth vetes debila)

Kryeminister qe s'di asgje nga ekonomia, jo profesionist si edhe ky tjetri, e c'mund te presesh. Flasin per GDP e terma ekonomike duke mos qene profesioniste dhe ur ndodhen me prof si Prodi apo dikush tjeter, imagjino se cfare figure bejne, Turp i dheut ku u katandisem, kryeminister doktor apo arkitekt????

PS Mbasi e shkrojta e lexova edhe njehere cfare kisha shkruar per respekt te miqve qe do t'a lexojne. E gjeta shkrimin tim plot kontradikta, por te gjitha m'u duken te verteta dhe vendosa qe te mos ndrroj asgje-kjo eshte gjendja e jone, shtetit tone, popullit tone gjate kesaj periudhe dhe rrjedhimisht edhe politikanet te tille do te jene.

[DYDRINAS]

E Marte, 27 Qershor 2006

PER VITET 2002 2005 KRYEBASHKIAKU TENDERON PER MIKUN E TIJ MILIONA PA MBARIM

Edi Rama i jep Kokedhimes 10 milione dollare te Bashkise.Buxheti i Bashkise se Tiranes eshte kthyer ne rezervat nga ku financohet kompania e pronarit te gazetes “Shekulli”.

Pas skandalit te publikuar ne parlament dhe ne media, ku zoti Koco Kokedhima kishte marre 9.4 miliarde leke nga buxheti i shtetit vetem nga nje ministri, qe sot e drejton Lulzim Basha, vetem per vitet 1998 2005 , doli ne publik edhe nje vjedhje tjeter e madhe qe pushteti i asaj kohe ka bere ne bashkepunim me Kokedhimen kur ne nentor 1999 u privatizua ish ndermarrja e frigoriferit ne Durres, ku personi ne fjale, qe eshte edhe pronar i gazetes “Shekulli”, mori me 2 milione leke te vjetra nje siperfaqe prej 20 mije e 711 metra katror, plus objektet qe jane brenda ketij trualli ne Durres, afer detit.

Metoda e pronarit te gazetes “Shekulli” eshte marrja e tenderimeve nga buxheti i shtetit qe jane taksa te te gjithe shqiptareve dhe me pas krijimi i nje suporti mediatik per qarqe te caktuara te pushtetit dhe politikes, te cilet i japin parate e shqiptareve nga buxheti i shtetit.

Si te mos mjaftonin keto skandale per te cilat Prokuroria e Pergjithshme duhej te kishte nisur hetimet per kete vjedhje te pasurise kombetare ne favor te persona private, ka dale dje nje shkrese tjeter nga zyrat e shtetit, ku vertetohet se kryetari i bashkise se Tiranes zoti Edi Rama, i cili nxjerr koken e tij perdite tek televizioni i Kokedhimes, ka dhene per firmen “2K Group” prone e zotit Kokedhima .

(lexo dokumentin bashkengjitur shkrimit) vetem ne vitet 2002 2005, gjithsej 1. 017. 797. 880 leke qe do te thote se bashkia e Tiranes ka tenderuar 1 miliard leke te reja ose 10 milione dollare per firmen e pronarit te gazetes “Shekulli”.

Por akoma nuk ka dale dokumenti tjeter per vitet tetor 2000 deri ne fillim te vitit 2002. Megjithate deri tani, sipas dokumenteve qe kemi ne dispozicion, Koco Kokedhima ka marre nga taksapaguesit e kryeqytetit shumen prej 10 milione dollare vetem ne tre vite, veprim qe akuzon direkt kryetarin e Bashkise se Tiranes, zotin Edi Rama.

Njihen publikisht lidhjet miqesore te Edi Rames me Koco Kokedhimen, por ende nuk ishte bere e njohur fakti qe ne mes jane fillimisht 10 milione dollare! Me vone, do te behen te ditura edhe lejet e ndertimit qe ka marre zoti Kokedhima nga miku i tij personal, zoti Edi Rama, nderkohe qe dhjetera firma te tjera apo biznesmene e familjare nuk gezojne te drejten per te marre nje leje ndertimi nga KRT ja e drejtuar prej vitesh nga Edi Rama.

Si ka mundesi qe vetem firma e zotit Kokedhima merr 10 milione dollare tenderime ne rruget e Tiranes?

Pse atehere del tek “dritarja” e Kokedhimes fytyra e kryetarit te Bashkise se Tiranes dhe pse kafene e mengjesit kryetari i PS se e pi tek pronari ne fjale, te cilit i jep edhe parate per tenderat e Bashkise se Tiranes? Natyrisht qe nga dyshimet tashme krijohet bindja tek publiku se jane te tjera lidhje mes tyre, ku ne mes ngrihet pirgu momental prej 10 milione dollare!

Te mos harrojme se te tjera dokumente po dalin per zotin Kokedhima, i cili ka blere ne shuma minimale e qesharake pasurine e shtetit apo merr miliarda e miliarda leke nga buxheti i shtetit ne forme tenderimesh. Dikush mund te thote se fajin e kane zyrtaret e shtetit. Pa diskutim qe keshtu eshte ne krye te heres, pasi ata duhen penalizuar dhe arrestuar per keto shperdorime te pasurise kombetare.

Me pas natyrisht qe thirrja e Kokedhimes ne prokurori bashke me ata zyrtare do te nxjerre te tjera xhevahire se cilet ish ministra apo ish drejtore apo edhe kryetare bashkish kane dhene miliardat per te marre miliona per vete.
10 milione dollare ne tre vite eshte nje habi e madhe per cdo firme tjeter ne Tirane e ne Republike, te cilat kur te degjojne se cfare tenderimesh ka marre pronari i gazetes “Shekulli” do t’ju bjere te fiket, pavaresisht se vetem Edi Rama mund te jete ndjere mire nga keto miliarda duke shperdoruar besimin e banoreve te Tiranes.

A mund te ripyetet zoti Edi Rama se mbi cfare bazash ia ka dhene lejen zotit Koco Kokedhima (i cili ka mbi 50 % te aksioneve ne nje firme private) nga e cila cdo biznesmen ne Tirane duhet te marre leje, natyrisht tek Kokedhima, per te vendosur cdo tabele biznesi apo reklame ne kryeqytet?

Pse prape Edi Rama vetem Kokedhimes ia jep kete te drejte, nderkohe qe flitet per miliona e miliona pa mbarim nga kjo e drejte e dhene vetem firmes se tij? Ka ryshfet apo cfare fshihet edhe pas kesaj leje? Pse nuk eshte bere tender i hapur per kete license, por eshte firmosur nga Bashkia fshehur duke vendosur monopolin ne kete fushe?

Bashkia e Tiranes dhe disa struktura te shtetit jane te kapura nga krimi, mafia e droges dhe e medias ndaj duhen ndeshkuar. Kjo pjese e mafias dhe e ekonomise informate, si dhe tendermediaberese eshte e lidhur me segmente te politikes. Prokuroria e Pergjithshme duhet te kuptoje se nuk mund te heshtet me edhe per keto vjedhje te hapura e privatizime absurde, pasi, nese hesht, do t’i kushtoje shtrenjte ne parlament ne ditet ne vazhdim.

Po disa ministri pse heshtin kundrejt ketyre miliardave apo duan kembim miqesie ne heshtje me botuesin e gazetes “Shekulli” qe na shpjegon ne median e tij se si mund te behesh Milioner!

Cili shqiptar nuk do te behej milioner, bile miliarder, duke bere gazete apo media te tjera dhe ne kembim te mbeshtetjes kundrejt pushtetit te marre miliarda e miliarda per firmat e tij private te ndertimit apo nenkontraktore te fshehur nen emra te tjere, por qe jane e njejta gje si firma meme!?

Kryeministri Berisha nese vazhdon te heshte per keto vjedhje qe i jane bere pasurise kombetare nga privatizimet e kohes se pushtetit te PS se, pavaresisht se ne mes jane edhe pronare mediash, te cilet i shkojne per takim apo i bejne letra, do te gjendet ne Parlament nen nje mori seancash me interpelancash nga deputete te ndryshem te mazhorances.

Gjithe ajo pune e mire e tij qe ai po ben ne luften kundrejt bandave, krimit te organizuar e atij ekonomik, nese nuk shoqerohet edhe me luften ndaj mafias ne media ka mundesi qe t’i venitet ne syte e publikut. Kryeministri duhet te miratoje edhe amendamentin tjeter te deputetit Lesi i cili kerkon qe pronaret e medias se shkruar e asaj radiotelevizive te deklarojne burimet e tyre financiare qe kane futur ne media ne keto vite qe nga viti 1991 e ne vazhdim.

Dhe pas deklarimit te ngrihet nje strukture e posacme shteterore per t’i verifikuar keto deklarime se sa jane te verteta, si dhe ku e kane burimin parate e derdhura ne fushen e medias. Media eshte nje pushtet i katert qe informon, por dhe kontrollon tre pushtetet e tjera qe jane pushteti gjyqesor, parlamentar dhe ekzekutiv.

A mundet nje pronar i medias qe ka marre 10 milione dollare nga Edi Rama te kritikoje punen e Bashkise se Tiranes?! Pergjigjja e kesaj pyetjeje gjendet perdite ne faqet e gazetes “Shekulli”, e cila eshte prone e atij qe ka fituar edhe 10 milione dollare nga buxheti i Bashkise se Tirane.

E kemi theksuar qe ne media kane hyre biznese, por qe nuk e kane ndertuar punen e tyre nga parate e buxhetit te shtetit. Ata kane ndertuar biznese private dhe nje pjese te fitimit te tyre te ligjshem e kane investuar ne media. Keto biznesmene duhen inkurajuar, por jo tipi i biznesmenit Kokedhima.

Alban Mati

Koha e Jone

[DYDRINAS]

Ai edhte prototipi i politikanit te tranzicionit.
Arrogant? Sigurisht qe eshte, po nuk me thoni si duhet te jete me nje klase te pasur te korruptuar, qe e nisi pasurine duke bere kontrabande nga telat e kufirit? Me nje kaste politike qe sheh vetem xhepat si duhet te jesh? Ai eshte produkt i kohes qe e lindi, rriti dhe e beri politikan; ai eshte une, ti, ai shumica e jone...(ma kuptoni drejt alegorine).
Nuk e shihni se kush del ne TV dhe flet, nuk i shihni programet e humorit mbushur me fjale banale, te turpshme qe nuk thuhen para zonjave dhe femijeve?
I shihni pra muziken, letersine se ku ka katandisur...shihni perkthimet cfare nnivel kane-sigurisht qe edhe politikanet te tille do te jene.
Nuk e shihni si na gjunjezoi moralisht ky tranzicion-dhe me kerkoni politese nga politikanet? E harruat '97 kur kemi pare mesuese apo intelektuale qe vidhnin shkollat, spitalet, bile edhe shtepite e foshnjes.....'97 nuk duhet t'a harrojme qe te kuptojme se si u renua morali i nje populli dhe se sa e veshtire eshte te mbetesh i mire sa lufte duhet te besh me te keqen cdo dite. Pra ai perfaqeson nje situate me teper se sa nje popull apo nje parti

Edi Rama eshte asgje me shume se nje politikan qe i pershtatet popullit tone gjate kesaj kohe. Ja imagjinoni nje politikan engjell ne krye te njeres nga partite sa paradoksale do te duket!

Por Edi Rama ka dale ballas kunder diktatures, te pakten eshte trim, ka dale ballas ne 1990 e kam pare vete si fliste kur te tjeret fshiheshin, Thua te kishte ca roje perreth dhe ne s'i shihnim???(une jam kunder partise qe ai perfaqeson, dhe do te isha i kenaqur qe Prof Sala t'a kishte terhequr ne partine e tij, por duket ne PD nuk ka mjaft vend per shume individe te afte, nje eshte mjaft, zaten edhe Dulla ate bente mblidhte rreth vetes debila)

Kryeminister qe s'di asgje nga ekonomia, jo profesionist si edhe ky tjetri, e c'mund te presesh. Flasin per GDP e terma ekonomike duke mos qene profesioniste dhe ur ndodhen me prof si Prodi apo dikush tjeter, imagjino se cfare figure bejne, Turp i dheut ku u katandisem, kryeminister doktor apo arkitekt????

PS Mbasi e shkrojta e lexova edhe njehere cfare kisha shkruar per respekt te miqve qe do t'a lexojne. E gjeta shkrimin tim plot kontradikta, por te gjitha m'u duken te verteta dhe vendosa qe te mos ndrroj asgje-kjo eshte gjendja e jone, shtetit tone, popullit tone gjate kesaj periudhe dhe rrjedhimisht edhe politikanet te tille do te jene.

Shkrim pak deshperues.

Kuptohet gjendja shpirterore e nje njeriu zemerplasur per te pare nje Shqiperi ndryshe, nje Shqiperi pak te idealizuar, por gjithesesi nje Shqiperi per te gjithe.

Gabimi qe behet nga shoqeria shqiptare, eshte pikerisht idealizimi qe ju behet politikaneve drejtues nga te gjitha krahet e politikes shqiptare.
Dhe pikerisht kjo pike e dobet e mentalitetit shqiptar, keqperdoret nga politikanet per te krijuar me pas nga hici nje superfigure, qe nese vjen ne pushtet do te kete nje shkop magjik e nese iken nga pushteti atehere do te behet hataja.
Sic duket nje pozite e tille e atij qe ka shkopin magjik, qe te plotesoje me nje levizje cdo deshire, ju shkon per shtati politikaneve tane.

Edi Rama trashegon nje parti politike me nje te kaluar te hidhur dhe trishtuese per te gjithe shqiptaret. Pavaresisht se kane kaluar 15 vite, nga dita kur presupozohet se ajo parti u transformua ne nje parti moderne, ende ne te vegjetojne me shumice po ata qe vegjetuan per dekada te tera.
Nese Nano arriti te heqe nga PPSH-ja dy germa dhe ta linte me pas si PS, Edi Rama duhej qe te mos mjaftonte me kete korigjim vetem gramatikor, por te perparonte me tej.
Nuk ndertohet opozita me te njejtat fytyra, me te njejtat qendrime ndaj Berishes dhe PD-se.
Ketu fillon gabimi me i madh i Rames, qe desheron ta perdore partine e trasheguar perkohesisht nga Nano, si nje loder te kurdisur per te uleritur "Berisha eshte shkaktar i te gjithave", sepse nese vazhdon me keto tone ai vetem sa do t'ja zbehe dhe me tej forcen partise qe ai po e drejton perkohesisht.
Rama do te ishte me i besueshem nese ne krah te tij nuk do te ishin Ruci, Dokle &Co, por njerez te rinj me ide te reja, njerez te rinj qe te ndertonin bashke me te nje opozite moderne shqiptare.
Per kete eshte me i besueshem Meta se sa Rama, sepse ai duke pare Nanon ne rolin e nje tutori qe e shfrytezonte PS-ne si prostitute, diti me mencuri te shmangej prej saj qe te mos i mbartej semundja e HIV dhe te krijoje nje parti reale.
Do te ishte dhe me i besueshem Rama, nese ne vend te Rucit & Co, do te merrte me vete Majkon dhe figura te tjera te respektueshme brenda PS-se.

Pikerisht se ne krah te tij qendrojne ata, per te cilet ti ne shkrim ke dashur te tregosh "trimerine" e Edit ne vitin 1990, e ben ate dhe me te pabesueshem dhe se ne kete rast del se trimeria e Edit, paska qene e sajuar nga ata qe i qendrojne sot ne krah.
Rama para viteve '90 ishte pjese e oborrit te rrethuar me kangjella te kuqe dhe normalisht se ai nuk mund te gjente forcen per te dale jashte ketij oborri, ashtu sic nuk mund ta gjeje edhe sot.
Per keto aresye Berisha nuk pati asnje aresye qe ta ftonte Ramen qe te merrte pjese ne PD.
Nese Rama do te ndihej i tille, ai nuk kishte pse te priste nje ftese!
Mirepo ne te vertete, Rama eshte nje produkt i perversitet neokomunist shqiptar te fundit te viteve '80 dhe nje krem kozmetik i atyre qe menduan se duke ja lene atij perkohesisht partine, do ti benin shqiptaret qe te harronin perversitetet 8 vjecare te abuzimit katastrofal me pushtetin.
Ai qe qesh me shume me Ramen, eshte pikerisht Nano!
Nano si ujk i vjeter qe eshte, ua leshonte nga pak freret mezave te rinj si Majko, Meta apo se fundi dhe Rames. I le ata qe te defrejne perkohesisht me partine qe ai e trajton si prostitute dhe me pas ua rremben ate serish nga dora.
Tutori dhe prostituta nuk bejne dot pa njeri-tjetrin!

[dp17ego]

[QUOTE=Qazim RUDI]Shkrim pak deshperues.

Kuptohet gjendja shpirterore e nje njeriu zemerplasur per te pare nje Shqiperi ndryshe, nje Shqiperi pak te idealizuar, por gjithesesi nje Shqiperi per te gjithe.

E pranoj, por per te ardhur keq dhe jo deshperues, une mendoj real dhe i hidhur, pikerisht kete desha te shprehja.

nuk dua te replikoj se ne fakt me pelqen ajo qe thua, por te gjithe popujt duan nje lider....te forte...qe t'a adhurojne(ky eshte instikt, nuk dua te them i turmes se do te shkoja thelle, por eshte instikt i deshires per teqene komfortable...dikush tjeter qe eshte ne krye i heq hallet dhe populli e ndjek dhe punon dhe krijon te mira, familje pi nje kafe ne mengjes etj...Keto jane fakte shumica e popujve dhe shumica e popullit kete do. Ka shembuj historia shume.

Vertet shpreson qe PS do te transformohet ne nje fare partie qe te udheheqe popullin? Nuk e kemi pare diku kete...partite jane institucione politike te cilat sublimojne ideale te caktuara ne nje periudhe te caktuar te zhvillimit te shoqerise. Ato lindin si domosdoshmeri per te vjele jo per te udhehequr

Sa per politikanet tane, Vetem disa prej tyre jane te afte. Vetem disa jane me nivelin e duhur shkencor, kreativ, potencialin drejtuas te mjaftueshem.Me vjen keq por nje politikan qe mbaron UT me mesatare te ulet tregon qe nuk ka aftesi intelektuale te mjaftueshme ne ate te shkrete materje gri. Kjo tregon edhe shume gjera te tjera...mospergjegjesi, nivel social te dyshimte etj. Politikanet tane ne pergjithesi nuk kane lexuar nje liber gjate gjithe jetes ose ne anen tjeter jane marre te gjithe jeten vetem me libra. Ne kemi paradokse ne parlament...Agronome, mjeke dhe mesuese, pra kush mbeti pa pune ose me rroge te ulet iu fut politikes...

Me i besueshem Meta se sa Rama??? Po Meta nuk di te ndertoje nje fraze te plote edhe tani mbas 15 vjet ne politike...Cfare QI eshte kjo?

Trimerite ??? e Edit, Vertet nuk i di. Une kam pare ne udheheqje njeres qe nuk dinin ku ishte shenProkopi??? Ka shume cudira 90-ta kush hipi, si hipi ne pushtet, ku u gjenden ato fytyra te panjohura???

Nuk e di dhe edhe njehere nuk dua te replikoj, por une kam shume te panjohura nga politika shqiptare.
Respekt
DP

[DYDRINAS]

Vertet shpreson qe PS do te transformohet ne nje fare partie qe te udheheqe popullin?

Absolutisht jo!
Nuk e kam patur kete shprese asnjehere, sepse nga ulkonja (PPSH) lindin vetem kelyshe ujqerish (PS & Co).

Me vjen keq por nje politikan qe mbaron UT me mesatare te ulet tregon qe nuk ka aftesi intelektuale te mjaftueshme ne ate te shkrete materje gri. Kjo tregon edhe shume gjera te tjera...mospergjegjesi, nivel social te dyshimte etj. Politikanet tane ne pergjithesi nuk kane lexuar nje liber gjate gjithe jetes ose ne anen tjeter jane marre te gjithe jeten vetem me libra.

Lexojne shtypin e perditshem dhe kenaqen duke pare vetveten ne edicionet e lajmeve te dhjetera stacioneve televizive.
Pastaj kane dhe celularet, aty mesojne shume gjera te dobishme si bie fjala videopornot e famshme qe qarkullojne neper Shqiperi.

Ne kemi paradokse ne parlament...Agronome, mjeke dhe mesuese, pra kush mbeti pa pune ose me rroge te ulet iu fut politikes...

Kjo vjen ngaqe ka patur nje superprodhim agronomesh, mjekesh dhe mesuesish!
Tani nuk ka nevoje me per agronome, per mjeke e per mesues.
Fshataret jane vete agronome, njerezit shkojne tek hoxha per te shkruar nje hajmali dhe nxenesit nuk kane pse te shkojne neper shkolla kur fare mire mund te shesin apo te lypin rrugeve!

Me i besueshem Meta se sa Rama??? Po Meta nuk di te ndertoje nje fraze te plote edhe tani mbas 15 vjet ne politike...Cfare QI eshte kjo?

Kete e thashe vetem nga fakti se Meta doli perkohesisht nga duart e tutorit Nano.
Tani frazeologjine do ta mesoje se ka ende kohe!

Nuk e di dhe edhe njehere nuk dua te replikoj, por une kam shume te panjohura nga politika shqiptare.

Kush ta zgjidhe kete ekuacion? Gjinushi po merret me politike!
Po matematicieni me i mire ishte Ramiz Alia, qe arriti me kaq mjeshteri te ndertoje nje ekuacion te pazgjidhshem dhe per shume e shume vite.
Te pakten deri sa te shuhet brezi i tij dhe deri sa dosjet te mos hapen dhe per 50 vite te tjera.
Gorbacovi ne fakt ishte ai qe ne Katovice i mesoi udheheqesit e Europes Lindore se si kapercehet lumi pa u lagur!
Asgje nuk leviz kot, asgje nuk lind rastesisht!
Dhe Rama nuk ben perjashtim nga ky rregull!
Duhen mbrojtur baballaret dhe krimet e tyre me cdo kusht!

[vagabondo_nyc]

Ai edhte prototipi i politikanit te tranzicionit.
Arrogant? Sigurisht qe eshte, po nuk me thoni si duhet te jete me nje klase te pasur te korruptuar, qe e nisi pasurine duke bere kontrabande nga telat e kufirit? Me nje kaste politike qe sheh vetem xhepat si duhet te jesh? Ai eshte produkt i kohes qe e lindi, rriti dhe e beri politikan; ai eshte une, ti, ai shumica e jone...(ma kuptoni drejt alegorine).
Nuk e shihni se kush del ne TV dhe flet, nuk i shihni programet e humorit mbushur me fjale banale, te turpshme qe nuk thuhen para zonjave dhe femijeve?
I shihni pra muziken, letersine se ku ka katandisur...shihni perkthimet cfare nnivel kane-sigurisht qe edhe politikanet te tille do te jene.
Nuk e shihni si na gjunjezoi moralisht ky tranzicion-dhe me kerkoni politese nga politikanet? E harruat '97 kur kemi pare mesuese apo intelektuale qe vidhnin shkollat, spitalet, bile edhe shtepite e foshnjes.....'97 nuk duhet t'a harrojme qe te kuptojme se si u renua morali i nje populli dhe se sa e veshtire eshte te mbetesh i mire sa lufte duhet te besh me te keqen cdo dite. Pra ai perfaqeson nje situate me teper se sa nje popull apo nje parti

Edi Rama eshte asgje me shume se nje politikan qe i pershtatet popullit tone gjate kesaj kohe. Ja imagjinoni nje politikan engjell ne krye te njeres nga partite sa paradoksale do te duket!

Por Edi Rama ka dale ballas kunder diktatures, te pakten eshte trim, ka dale ballas ne 1990 e kam pare vete si fliste kur te tjeret fshiheshin, Thua te kishte ca roje perreth dhe ne s'i shihnim???(une jam kunder partise qe ai perfaqeson, dhe do te isha i kenaqur qe Prof Sala t'a kishte terhequr ne partine e tij, por duket ne PD nuk ka mjaft vend per shume individe te afte, nje eshte mjaft, zaten edhe Dulla ate bente mblidhte rreth vetes debila)

Kryeminister qe s'di asgje nga ekonomia, jo profesionist si edhe ky tjetri, e c'mund te presesh. Flasin per GDP e terma ekonomike duke mos qene profesioniste dhe ur ndodhen me prof si Prodi apo dikush tjeter, imagjino se cfare figure bejne, Turp i dheut ku u katandisem, kryeminister doktor apo arkitekt????

PS Mbasi e shkrojta e lexova edhe njehere cfare kisha shkruar per respekt te miqve qe do t'a lexojne. E gjeta shkrimin tim plot kontradikta, por te gjitha m'u duken te verteta dhe vendosa qe te mos ndrroj asgje-kjo eshte gjendja e jone, shtetit tone, popullit tone gjate kesaj periudhe dhe rrjedhimisht edhe politikanet te tille do te jene.

Te lumte dp, me pleqeu shume shkrimi qe ke shkruar siper.

Por fatkeqsisht rruges je ngatrruar me nje ferr te keqe. Ky tipi eshte prototip extremist dhe shume i rezikshem. Njerez te till qe sdijne te ndajne te mirat me te keqijat dhe shikojne me nje sy jane shume te demshem dhe ka shume ne shoqerine shqiptare.

[DYDRINAS]

E Merkure, 28 Qershor 2006

KRYETARI I KUVENDEVE FSHATARE DHE MUNGESA E LIDERSHIPIT

Partia Socialiste ka kryetar, por nuk ka Lider. Ka nje njeri qe bredh parcelave, por nuk ka vizionarin per te ardhur ne pushtet apo per te shtruar alternativa ndryshe nga pozita e sotme. Ka nje kryetar me platforme “nje anetar nje vote”, por nuk ka drejtuesin e zgjedhur sipas ketij parimi te shpallur ne publik e te pakaluar sipas ketij parimi madhor.

PS ja ka nje kryetar qe quhet Edi Rama, por nuk ka Njeriun e arsyes ndryshe nga paraardhesi kryetar, ka nje shtatlarte, por qe nuk shikon me larg se kopshti privat i Koco Kokedhimes. PS ja ka nje drejtues qe njeren kembe e ka ne opozite dhe gjithe pjesen tjeter te trupit e te kokes se madhe e mban ne pushtetin e firmes se tenderave qe firmos perdite nga buxheti i bashkise, qe quhet pushtetmbajtes.

PS ja ka nje shtab qe drejtohet nga biznesmene, te cilet jane aty per tenderat qe jep e merr kryebashkiaku socialist qe ka edhe emerimin si kryesocialist. Socialistet e thjeshte kane nevoje per nje njeri qe iu sjell progres, e jo qe shikon ndeshjet e futbollit kembekryq mes popullit, si te ishte kopja e diktatorit komunist Enver Hoxha.

Socialistet duan njeriun qe iu prek zemren, por edhe qe iu ndricon mendjen. Ata nuk meritojne shfrytezuesin e ri me mendje te vjeter qe rri maje kalit te pushtetit, qe merr vota socialiste e bertet sa here nuk ka leke ne buxhetin e bashkise per te dhene tendera disamilionedollareshe nje pronari gazete, tek i cili del ne mengjes duke “qare” hallet e Tiranes dhe i mbush xhepat atij me 10 milione dollare ne tre vite nga parate e taksapaguesve, te cilet jane edhe socialiste te thjeshte.


PS ja kerkon, por nuk po gjen dot Liderin, ate qe e sjelle ne pushtet per nje vizion te ri europian. E keqja mbetet se kryetari di te mashtroje bukur bazen socialiste, por nuk ia zgjidh hallet asaj.

PS ja dhe opozita nuk jane ne rrugen e duhur, nderkohe qe brenda radheve te saj ka emra te tjere qe mund ta sjellin ate ne pushtet, por qe nuk lejohen te marrin pushtet ne opoziten socialiste per ta sjelle ne pushtetin qe drejton vendin.

Koha e Jone

[DYDRINAS]

Nano paralajmëron Ramën: Pres vetëm përfundimin e zgjedhjeve!



Ish-kryetari i Partisë Socialiste, Fatos Nano ka pritur dje seancën e radhës honorifike në nderim të vizitës së parë zyrtare të Presidentit të Kosovës, Fatmir Sejdiu, për të shënuar prezëncën e tij të tretë në këtë legjislaturë që prej fillimit të saj në 11 shtatorin e shkuar, pas pjesëmarrjes në ceremoninë e betimit dhe atë me rastin e vdekjes së liderit historik kosovar, Ibrahim Rugova më 23 janar të këtij viti. Si edhe herët e tjera Nano ka përshendetur në mënyrë formale deputetët e grupit parlamentar socialist dhe është ulur ne vendin e tij të zakonshëm që zakonisht gjendet bosh. E kjo prani nuk mund ti shpëtonte kërshërisë mediatike mbi planet që ka thurrur për të ardhmen e tij 5 herë kryeministri socialist. I pyetur se çfarë mendon për politikën shqiptare të cilën fizikisht ai duket se e ka braktisur thuajse prej 10 muasjh, Fatos Nano tha se “ajo po ndan emocionet e botërorit në Gjermani”. Po ju çfarë prisni ishtë, pyetja që pasoi më pas. “Unë pres finalen”- -tha ai në mënyrë lakonike duke u larguar me benzin e tij kryeministror me targa 007 Z. Edhe pse në një kontekst sportiv, deklarata e tij ishte një shigjetim i qartë për kryetarin aktual, Edi Rama, duke nënkuptuar se “finalja” në kontekstin politik, janë zgjedhjet e ardhshme locale, pas së cilave, Nano do të riprovojë që të ngjitet sërish në skakierën e politikës së madhe.
Gazeta 55
29 Qershor 2006

[DYDRINAS]

Ajo që e mundon Ramën është përkohshmëria

Për më shumë se 90 minuta, Kuvendi dje është ndalur në deklaratën e Kryetarit të PS, Rama, i cili u bëri thirrje të zgjedhurve lokalë të partisë së tij për mosbindje civile, mosnjohje të strukturave të shtetit që janë jashtë juridiksionit të kryebashkiakut të Tiranës. Ajo që ka rënë në sy, ka qenë fakti se në këtë debat nuk është përfshirë asnjë nga deputetët e PS, madje asnjë nga drejtuesit e partive aleate nuk ka reaguar për të marrë në mbrojtje këtë deklaratë të Kryetarit të PS. I vetmi që ka replikuar ka qenë Majko, edhe ky i nxitur nga thirrja e një deputeti të PD. Një heshtje e ngjashme e drejtuesve të opozitës është vërejtur edhe pas takimit të zhvilluar në Presidencë. Edhe këtu, i vetmi që ka folur për mediat ka qenë Rama, ndërsa kryetarët e partive të tjera të pranishme në takim i janë larguar vëmendjes së mediave. Në një formë a në një tjetër, si deputetët e PS, ashtu edhe drejtuesit e partive të opozitës kanë lënë të kuptohet se kemi të bëjmë me një lëvizje politike personale anarkiste të Ramës, pa pasur një sinkronizim të këtij vendimi me strukturat e partisë apo me partitë e tjera aleate. Është e çuditshme që një thirrje si ajo e dy ditëve më parë e Ramës, që natyrisht ka pasoja për antikushtetutshmërinë e saj, nuk merret pas një konsultimi me forumet e partisë, por thjesht lëshohet si "lopa bajgën" në një takim të rëndomtë dhe ku pasojat iu faturohen të zgjedhurve lokalë të PS, duke ëndërruar përdorimin e tyre si mish për top në favor të orekseve politike të Kryetarit të Partisë.

Ka një ndërgjegjësim tek të gjitha strukturat e PS për rrugën e mbrapshtë të drejtimit të PS, e cila është vënë re në deklarimet mediatike të sekretarit Politik të PS, nënkryetarit të Grupit parlamentar, por edhe të sekretarit të Përgjithshëm, Kryetarit të Forumit Rinor. Një zë i tillë është ngritur edhe nga njerëz jashtë partisë, të njohur për kontributet e tyre në PS, të konsideruar ndryshe edhe si teologët e të majtës, si Agolli dhe Pëllumbi, që me shqetësim kanë vërejtur këtë shndërrim të partisë në një levë të pushtetit lokal, duke humbur kështu shumë nga veprimet politike që duhet të karakterizojnë forcën kryesore politike të opozitës. Ka një presion akoma dhe më të madh të njerëzve brenda strukturave të PS, i cili e bën Ramën gjithnjë dhe më pak të pushtetshëm brenda partisë, e bën gjithnjë dhe më shumë nervoz, duke e nxitur që të bëjë deklarata tërësisht të papërgjegjshme tashmë jo vetëm në opinionin e brendshëm, por edhe në strukturat ndërkombëtare që monitorojnë zhvillimet politike në Shqipëri.

Rama lajmëroi dje se po bën gjithçka të shmangë protestat e opozitës në rrugë. Në të vërtetë, këtyre protestave nuk u frikësohet askush, se nuk do të kenë fat të ndryshëm nga ato të "Zogut të Zi", por ai duhet të thotë qartë se po bën çmos që të evitojë protestat ndaj tij brenda radhëve të partisë dhe deklaratat e përçartura të dy ditëve më parë nuk janë gjë tjetër, veçse një lëvizje në këtë drejtim. Situata në të cilën gjendet Kryetari i PS, e bën atë të kuptojë se nuk është kryetar de facto i partisë, është një situatë aspak e favorshme për hyrjen në zgjedhjet lokale, që e kanë të parashikuar rezultatin e tyre që tani. Ai ndjehet kryetar i Mimit, Musait, Valit, Eduartit e shumë punonjësve të tjerë të Bashkisë, por aspak nuk ndjehet kryetar i Fatos Nanos, Majkos, Blushit, Koçit, Agollit, Pëllumbit, Dokles e shumë figurave të tjera me integritet në PS. Është kompleks inferioriteti i dukshëm ky i Ramës, aq sa vazhdon të imagjinojë se të gjithë partinë mund ta përzëjë dhe bashkinë ta sjellë në parti, vetëm që të shpëtojë nga ai makth.

Ajo që e mundon më shumë se gjithçka tjetër Ramën, është përkohshmëria në drejtimin e PS. E ndjen se ditët po i shkurtohen me afrimin e vjeshtës, koha kur mund të zhvillohen zgjedhjet e ardhshme, dhe kërkon ta shtyjë deri në pranverë, duke bojkotuar Komisionin e Reformës Zgjedhore apo nxjerrë një mijë e një arsye për të mos e çuar PS në zgjedhje këtë vjeshtë.

Ndryshe nga sa e kishte menduar Rama, ai duhet të pranojë se për PS është vetëm një zgjidhje kalimtare, e përkohshme, vetëm sa të kalojnë disa muaj nga 3 korriku i 2005. Është tronditëse për Ramën që të pranojë se është shndërruar si ato mjetet një përdorimshe.


RD

[King_Arthur]

po kur u be dhe ky robert cimcakizi te flasi per problemet e shqiperise qe nuk merr ere nga jeta , ai na del neper fshatra kur njerezit shohin kampionatin boteror dhe na i flet per politike po ai nje vit ka qe i ka hyre politikes dhe tani qe na u be kryetar i duket vetja sikur do zgjidhi problemet e shqiperise , po kjo qeveria e tanishme eshte me e mira qe ka pasur ndonjehere shqiperia deri me sot , po roberti duhet te dije nje gje se eshte kryetar i nje partie trafikantesh dhe hajdutesh , kurre nuk ka per ta marre drejtimin e shtetit per 100 vjet . nga nje minister kulture , nje kryetar bashkie tani na u be dhe kryetar partie . ai do dhe 10 vjet te kuptoje problemet e shqiperise tani na del ky roberti sikur eshte shpetimtari i shqipetareve ( tamam ku ishte me perpara ky ?) apo tani do post dhe na u be i dashur me popullin shqipetar turpppp nga keta tipa nuk hecen perpara shqiperia ne vend qe te bashkepunoje me qeverine per integrimin ne europe na ben indiferentin , kurre nuk ka per te qene i pari i shqiperise sa te jete DR PR SALI BERISHA QE PO INTEGRON SHQIPERINE NE NATO E NE BE .

[Dito]

Ku ishe deri dje Edi Rama?

Vetem kete te kam cituar i uruar sepse vetem kjo do te mjaftonte per te kuptuar vrerin tuaj personal me personin qe per hir te realitetit ndryshoi imazhin e metropolit shqiptar.
Lexome i uruar dhe pastaj pergjigjmu: Me vjen turp tek shoh sot djem e vajza te reja te flasin me nje urretje te papare per ish regjimin totalitarist dhe te sajojne brockulla nga me te paparat, njekohesisht do desha ti pyesja keta bebushe qe me hidhen si kaposhe sot, A e keni jetuar vertet ate kohe dhe regjimin e asaj kohe, sepse mund te kete qene shume me i tmerrshem nga cka e perfytyroni ju. Dhe e dyta: c'lidhje ka emri Edi Rama me ate regjim, perse duhet te lidhni cdo njeri te se ardhmes me te shkuaren? Nuk mund te beni dicka te mire per keta njerez duke i inkurajuar te vazhdojne me tej me vizionin e tyre per infrastrukturen dhe te tjerat, por vetem t'i shajme dime ne?

Perse jemi kaq te ligj si njerez qe duhet te mbjellim vetem vrer, perse nuk argumentojme dhe pastaj te flasim mbi baze argumentesh.
Urdheroni nje dy argumente tashme dhe pastaj flitet edhe me inat nese doni, por gjithmone ne baze argumentesh.

Argumenti 1:

Perse qeveria shqiptare nuk jep fondin e rruges Bardhyl, kur dihet qe bashkia ka bere tre here kerkese per zhbllokimin e ketij fondi.

Argumenti 2:

Perse qeveria shqiptare ka lene ne dite te hallit nenkalimin e zogut te zi, perse ajo nuk ben ndryshimet ne projekt dhe te vazhdoje punimet. Ose ne te kundert ajo te shkaterroje objektin dhe te coje ne gjendjen fillestare te saj.

Keto jane per t'u diskutuar dhe jo emri i Edi Rames.


Dito.