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  1. #1
    bashkekohor Maska e ~Geri~
    Anëtarësuar
    21-06-2004
    Vendndodhja
    USA
    Postime
    914

    Exclamation Hetohet roli i Greqisë në masakrën e Srebrenicës

    “Brigada e vullnetarëve grekë” ka qenë prezente dikur në mediat greke


    Hetohet roli i Greqisë në masakrën e Srebrenicës




    Greqia ka filluar një anketë për të hetuar se deri në çfarë shkalle kanë qenë të përfshirë grekët në masakrën e Srebrenicës, më e rënda nga përfundimi i Luftës II Botërore.

    Sipas një prokurori athinas, të cilit i referohej gazeta britanike “The Indipendent”, një hetim paraprak synon të gjejë se çfarë roli luajtën vullnetarët grekë në masakrimin e 8 mijë burrave e djemve boshnjakë më 11 korrik të vitit 1995. Çdo lloj përfshirjeje e Greqisë në këtë krim do të jetë një problem serioz për Athinën. Greqia ka qenë aleate e fuqishme e Millosheviçit në luftërat e viteve ’90 gjatë shpërbërjes së ish-Jugosllavisë, por pavarësisht këtij fakti të njohur, nuk është hetuar asnjëherë sa duhet prania e paraushtarakëve grekë që kanë luftuar së bashku me serbët e Bosnjës. Roli i së ashtuquajturës “Brigada e vullnetarëve grekë” në Srebrenicë, një periudhë kohe ka qenë prezent shpesh në mediat greke, por veteranët e kësaj brigade duket se ranë në heshtje të plotë që nga krijimi i Gjykatës së Hagës, e cila tani po gjykon edhe Sllobodan Millosheviçin. Katër nga anëtarët e kësaj brigade janë dekoruar nga Radovan Karaxhiç brenda muajit që ra Srebrenica. Në një raport të vitit 2002 të qeverisë holandeze, paqeruajtësit e së cilës ishin kritikuar ashpër për mosveprimin dhe lejimin e masakrës, thuhet se kjo njësi e vullnetarëve grekë ka ngritur flamurin grek në qytet, pas marrjes së tij nga serbët e Bosnjës. Në raport thuhet se ka video që dëshmojnë se serbëve të Bosnjës, Greqia u ka dërguar anije më armë, në kundërshtim me sanksionet e asaj kohe. Hetimet mund të jenë një dush i ftohtë për Greqinë, e cila ka bërë shumë pak për të njohur mbështetjen greke në betejat më të këqija të nacionalizmit serb në vitet ’90. Qeveria greke deri tani ka injoruar kërkesat për hetime të plota. Ministri grek i Drejtësisë javën e kaluar ka thënë se ndoshta ka pasur pjesëmarrje të forcave greke në masakrën e Srebrenicës, po ata nuk kanë qenë anëtarë të forcave të rregullta të sigurisë. Sipas Takis Mikas, autorit të librit “Aleanca e pashenjtë: Greqia dhe Serbia e Millosheviçit”, ajo që duket e pakuptueshme gjatë luftërave në Bosnjë, apo Kosovë nuk është thjesht që Greqia ishte në anën e Millosheviçit, por që ishte me pjesën më të errët të Serbisë.

  2. #2
    Kjo gje verifikohet dhe gjate leximeve te forumeve te perbashketa greko-serbe!
    Greket kane qene pjesemarres te drejtperdrejte ne masakren e Serbrenices!
    Vitin e kaluar nje TV evropian transmetoi disa rrefime te grave qe kishin shpetuar nga masakra.
    Ishin rrefime te tmerrshme dhe vuajtje te papershkueshme!
    Bosnja ne pergjithesi e Serbrenica ne vecanti jane nje turp i historise se re te Evropes!
    Ndersa Kosova ishte ajo qe vertetoi me se miri dhunen serbe!
    Serbet dhe Serbia jane turpi i Ballkanit,ndersa Greqia eshte lavamani i shkarkimit te ndyresirave serbe sepse ajo me politiken e saj drejtperdrejt ose terthorazi ka qene e implikuar me ato qe ndodhen gjate ketij 10 vjecari.

  3. #3
    [07] GREEK VOLUNTEERS FOUGHT ALONGSIDE BOSNIAN SERBS.
    AFP on 13 July 1995 reported that a dozen Greek volunteers fought along Bosnian Serbs who captured Srebrenica. According to a report in the Greek daily Ethnos, they raised the Greek flag over the town's destroyed Orthodox church. Since the start of the war, about 100 Greeks have fought in a "guard of volunteers" based in Vlasenica, in central Bosnia. They were recruited in Belgrade, and liaison offices have been set up in Athens and Thessaloniki. A student working in one of the offices said he received may calls from "patriotic" candidates and claimed to have fought himself in Bosnia for six months. He added the Greek authorities "never caused any problems" and that the Greek intelligence service was in touch with the volunteers. -- Stefan Krause, OMRI, Inc.

  4. #4
    Russian military advisers were sent from Serbia and more than 4000 mercenaries from Russia, the Ukraine, Romania and Greece supported various paramilitary organizations.[3] Romanian mercenaries were supposedly fighting with the Bosnian Serbs near Sarajevo in 1992.[4] Greek and Russian mercenaries were also involved in the attack on Srebrenica. A Greek Volunteer Guard, a unit based in Vlasenica, was formed in March 1995 and was fully incorporated in the Drina Corps.[5] Only about one hundred men fought with this unit and in September 1995 Karadzic decorated four members of the Guard with the medal of the 'White Eagle'.[6] The ABiH also intercepted a message from the VRS, which stated that the Serbian flag had been run up on the destroyed orthodox church.[7] Another message suggested that the Greek mercenaries should also run up their flag, and that 'because of the marketing' this should be recorded on video.[8]

  5. #5
    Greece faces shame of role in Serb massacre

    War crimes tribunal will hear secrets of support for Milosevic's ethnic cleansing

    Helena Smith in Athens
    Sunday January 5, 2003
    The Observer

    It is what Hellenes have long feared: the shattering of a conspiracy of silence that has surrounded the role of Greek volunteers who proudly flew their flag at Srebrenica, after participating in Europe's worst massacre since the Second World War, when 7,000 men, women and children died.
    Next week, as Greece settles into the presidency of the European Union, Milan Milutinovic, Serbia's recently retired president, will be brought before the war crimes tribunal at The Hague. Greek involvement in the atrocity, as well as other secrets Athens would prefer buried, could be revealed when the 60-year-old testifies.

    No one, it is said, played such a pivotal role in the alliance between Athens and Belgrade during the Nineties Balkan conflicts. As Yugoslavia's ambassador to Greece, Milutinovic was Slobodan Milosevic's most trusted lieutenant. His links with Greece's political, religious and business elites were allegedly crucial to Serbia's secret economic infrastructure. They allowed the country to evade United Nations sanctions and, according to the International Criminal Tribunal, contributed considerably towards Milosevic's war machine.

    When the diplomat was promoted to Foreign Minister in 1994, he retained his Athens post for several months when, EU diplomats say, he stashed away funds to buy villas and other prime properties in Athens and Crete at the behest of his boss.

    With Greece's admiring public, pro-Serbian church, tolerant media and governments that supported Milosevic, Athens was seen as a bolt-hole by the now disgraced president. As Bosnian Serb ethnic cleansers torched villages, it was here Milosevic would escape to enjoy the hospitality of Greek politicians. Marko Milosevic, his lascivious smuggler son, declared Greece 'my first home'.

    'This is our best-kept secret, the subject no politician of any persuasion has ever wanted to broach,' said Takis Michas, author of Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia. 'In an era where everyone is saying sorry, in Greece at least no one has shown remorse for the crimes in Bosnia when undoubtedly a significant proportion of the political establishment bear some responsibility.'

    The US-published book, yet to be printed in Greek, records in shocking detail the relationship between the two Orthodox nations, including the leaking of Nato military intelligence under socialist leader Andreas Papandreou.

    The Greeks know their past may be catching up with them. After last month's long statement of contrition before the Hague tribunal by the former Bosnian Serb leader, Biljana Plavsic, many believe it is only a matter of time before others open up too.

    A Dutch documentary investigating Greek complicity in the Serb wars was aired on local television in which a director of the semi-official Athens News Agency, Nikolas Voulelis, admitted to widespread censorship. During the wars the Greek media was fanatically pro-Serb, portraying Yugoslav Muslims as 'infidel Turks' bent on destroying their Orthodox brethren. 'Editorial interference was a given,' he said.

    But it was not only hospitality or money that the Greeks offered. Spiritual succour was provided by the Greek Orthodox church which sent priests to the front line (several clerics received bravery medals from Plavsic).

    In a step repeated in no other country, Archbishop Serafeim invited the Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic to visit Athens in 1993. At a mass rally attended by prominent politicians, the indicted war criminal proclaimed: 'We have only God and the Greeks on our side.'

    Last year, in a 7,000-page report that the Dutch authorities commissioned into the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, Greece was revealed to have sent shipments of light arms and ammunition to the Bosnian Serb army between 1994 and 1995. The report describes how Greek volunteers were implored, in intercepted army telephone conversations, to raise the Greek flag after the town fell. In one, General Ratko Mladic asked that they record the scene on video for propaganda purposes.

    Around 100 soldiers are believed to have joined the Greek Volunteer Guard, formed at Mladic's request. The unit, which fought alongside Russians and Ukrainians, was led by Serb officers and had its own insignia - the double-headed eagle of Byzantium. At least four of its members were awarded the White Eagle medal of honour by Karadzic.

    Although their 'heroic' exploits were widely reported in the Greek press, the volunteers have gone to ground since the creation of the war crimes tribunal. No government or party has ever sought an inquiry into their activities.

  6. #6
    Takis Michas, Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia in the Nineties, Texas A&M University Press: Eastern European Studies (College Station, Tex.), 192 p

    This is an account of the war in the Balkans during the 1990s. As the only member of NATO and the European Union to support Slobodan Milosevic's regime in the conflict following the breakup of Yugoslavia, Greece broke ranks with its western allies, frustrating their efforts to impose sanctions against Serbia. The work looks at Greek-Serbian relations and tackles the difficult question of how the Greek people could ignore Serbian aggression and war crimes. Journalistic accounts are combined with anecdotes and personal interviews to show a pattern of Greek support for Milosevic and Radovan Karadzic that implicates Greek politicians from all parties, as well as the Greek Orthodox Church, the Greek media, and ultimately the Greek people themselves. The evidence and conclusions presented aim to question the opinion that a new liberal order replaced the ideological standoff of the Cold War, but it will not surprise those who suspected that older allegiances have now claimed loyaties of many of the world's peoples.
    "what seemed incomprehensible during the Bosnia and Kosovo wars was not so much that Greece sided with Serbia, but that it sided with Serbia's darkest side" (p. 4).
    These waves have not reached Greece, though, a country that was rejoicing after the "fall" of Srebrenica in July 1995 at the hands of Bosnian Serbs and their allies, Greek paramilitaries. The latter in fact raised the Greek flag in Srebrenica after its capture: for those who may try to contest this fact, a photo is provided (p. 22),
    Another revealing part of the Dutch report on Srebrenica is the reference to the support of the Bosnian Serb army by the Greek (alongside Israeli and Ukrainian) secret services which provided them with arms and ammunition. Michas' book makes this look even more credible when it reveals that NATO military secrets on the August 1995 air strikes were passed on to Mladic on direct orders of then socialist Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou: the author's source is none other than Papandreou's personal intermediary with Karadzic and Milosevic, the -then and now-President of Greek-Serbian Friendship Association, who was carrying out the mission (pp. 38-39)TAKIS MICHAS is a Greek journalist and author of books and articles on Greek political history and modern philosophy. .

  7. #7
    Poll Results
    Do you think Hellas (Greece) and Serbia & Montenegro (Yugoslavia) should unite?

    Votes
    Only under auspices of the European Union 6%
    15
    Yes, both countries should form a federal union 27%
    63
    Yes, both countries should form a confederation 17%
    41
    No, but a strong alliance show be created 31%
    73
    No, each country should remain totally seperate 15%
    36
    I am unsure or unconcerned 3%
    7

    235 votes total
    Results subject to error




    [ Return to Serbian-Hellenic Forum ]

  8. #8
    Marre nga Serbian-Hellenic Forum

    Posted by IPEAS on December 26, 2004, 9:00 am

    WE FOUGHT IN BOSNIA AND WE WILL FIGHT IN KOSOVO NEAR TO OUR SERBIAN BROTHERS.
    ONCE UPON A TIME WAS YOUGOSLAVIA

    NOW CAME THE TIME FOR GREAT SERBIA

    HELASSSSSSSSSS+SERBIAAAAAAAAA=ORTHODOX EMPIRE
    ARKAN AND DIGENIS ARE COMRADS IN SKY

    WE WILL COME AND THE EARTH WILL SHAKE
    ( HELLENIC PHALANX )

  9. #9
    What we all must nurture is a fighting spirit. Readiness to fight for Orthodoxy, justice, freedom and above all survival in the era of a renewed drive to exterminate the One and Only True and original Christian religion.
    The next phase of conflict with the exterminators will necessitate a close cooperation while the location of concentrating forces will depend on the strategy the enemy chooses to take. If the latest assessments, of involving an concentrated simultaneous and massive pressure on Greece to cede its Northern territories to Albania, Serbia to cede even larger chunk of Southern Serbia (than the region of Kosovo) also to Albania, FYROM to disintegrate altogether being divided 80% to Albania and 20% to Bulgaria, then we will all be needed to stay put on our own ground until a more workable strategy is worked out.

  10. #10
    Subj: Letter to Odyssey Magazine
    Date: 5/23/2002 10:21:32 PM Pacific Daylight Time
    From: TKarakosta

    To: Smyrna1922




    The following letter is in response to the so called "unholy alliance"
    referred to by Mr. Takis Michas. In point of fact, the traditional Greek-
    Serbian friendship is not at all unholy, and is actually a natural one
    fostered by close religious, historical, and political ties. Greece and
    Serbia have much in common.

    First, they are united in brotherhood by the Orthodox Church and
    the holy sacraments. Greeks and Serbs have a special reverence
    for their holy Churches and Monastaries, something that western
    inspired secularists refuse to understand. The Serbs have always
    valued the historical Churches, Monastaries, and relics contained
    in Kosovo. The Greeks have always remembered the Great Church
    of Aghia Sophia and other shrines left behind in Constantinople.

    Secondly, Greeks and Serbs both have a long history of suffering.
    The Ottoman Empire which many western writers presently view
    as a model for the Islamic world eradicated the independence of
    the Byzantine Empire and Christian Kingdoms such as Serbia.
    During the dark centuries of Ottoman rule, Greeks and Serbs
    kept their Orthodox faith and national identities alive.

    Thirdly, during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, Greece and Serbia
    fought side by side against the Ottomans, and then against
    Bulgaria. There is a long historical relationship between the
    Greeks and the Serbs which critics such as Mr. Michas refuse
    to recognize. Furthermore, Greece and Serbia both fought on
    the American side during both World Wars and both have
    subsequently been betrayed by the United States.

    Both Greeks and Serbs were victims of Genocide in the twentieth
    century. Under the reign of the Young Turks and their successor,
    Mustapha Kemal Pasha- over 1,000,000 Greeks were exterminated.
    The western powers armed Kemal while depriving Greeks of aid
    and then did nothing to prevent the mass slaughter of Greeks
    in Smyrna and the Pontus region. During the Second World
    War, over 800,000 Serbs were exterminated by Nazi collaborating
    Croats, Muslims, and Albanians.

    Another common factor that unites Greeks and Serbs is their
    mutual defiance of the Axis powers during the Second World
    War. The Greeks heroically crushed the Italians when the latter
    invaded Greece. The Serbs rose up in Yugoslavia to prevent an
    alliance between Belgrade and the Third Reich.

    Both nations protected the Jews from the Nazis and both
    fiercely resisted the occupation of their homelands by the
    Germans. The Serbs rescued over 500 American pilots that
    had been shot down over Yugoslavia. Over twentyfive percent
    of Serbian Orthodox clerics perished in the Serbian Genocide
    while the Serbian Patriarch spent the war in a German
    concentration camp. Archbishop Damaskinos and the Bishops
    of Greece risked their lives to aid the Jewish population.

    In the postwar era, the sacrifice of Greeks and Serbs to the
    cause of freedom has been forgotten. Over 100,000 Greeks
    have been ethnically cleansed from Constantinople while the
    US and NATO failed to impose sanctions or to condemn
    Turkey's behaviour even a single time. Serbs were likewise
    driven from Kosovo, the cradle of Serbian civilization.

    In the early 1990's, Serbs in the Krajina were threatened by
    a revival of the Croatian Ustashe regime which had committed
    Genocide against the Serbs during the Second World War.
    Similarly, anti-Serb movements among the Muslims of Bosnia
    and Kosovo raised the fears of the Serbs. The Clinton administration
    became a defacto sponsor and supporter of international terrorism
    by helping the Croatian-Islamic side against the Serbs.

    It is now well documented that the Bosnian Muslims and Kosovo
    Liberation Army were receiving support from Osama
    Bin Laden's Al Quada Network, and from Pakistan, Saudi
    Arabia, Turkey, and Iran with the approval of the United States.
    While demonizing the Serbs during the 1990's, the Clinton
    administration and CNN ignored the fact that Osama Bin
    Laden established a base in Albania.

    In 1974, the US helped trigger the Turkish invasion of Cyprus
    and the ethnic cleansing of over 200,000 Greek Cypriots. In
    1995, the US trained and armed Croatia's pro-Nazi army which
    ethnically cleansed over 200,000 Serbs from lands they had been
    residing in for centuries. Such are the fates of two nations
    who have historically stood by the side of the United States.

    The alliance between Greece and Serbia is not an "unholy"
    alliance. It is an alliance and a friendship between two
    brotherly nations who have given invaluable support to the
    west. In return, the holy places of both nations have been
    taken away and entire populations have been eradicated
    for the economic and geostrategic interests of the great
    powers.

    Rather than discussing the so called "Unholy alliance",
    perhaps Mr. Michas should look into the activities of
    Islamic extremism and terrorism in the Balkans, as well
    as in Ankara. Islamic extremists have been the major
    beneficiaries of Serbia's defeat. As to the issue of war criminals,
    the US can be taken seriously when it stops arming the likes
    of Bulent Ecevit and Rauf Denktash, and when US officials
    stop honoring the memory of Mustapha Kemal.

    Theodore G. Karakostas

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