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  1. #1
    i/e regjistruar
    Anėtarėsuar
    24-04-2002
    Vendndodhja
    Manchester, UK
    Postime
    1,079

    Martin Luter King: Une kam nje enderr

    Me falni qe po e sjell ne anglisht ...

    Speech at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom

    Martin Luther King Jr.


    Fivescore years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic
    shadow we stand, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This
    momentous decree came as a great beacon of light of hope to
    millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of
    withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the
    long night of captivity.

    But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact
    that the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the
    life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of
    segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years
    later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst
    of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later,
    the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society
    and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here
    today to dramatize an appalling condition.

    In a sense we have come to our nation's Capitol to cash a
    check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent
    words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence,
    they were signing a promissory note to which every American was
    to fall heir. This note was the promise that all men would be
    guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the
    pursuit of happiness.

    It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this
    promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.
    Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the
    Negro people a bad check; a check which has come back marked
    "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of
    justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are
    insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this
    nation. So we have come to cash this check, a check that will
    give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of
    justice.

    We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of
    the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the
    luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of
    gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of
    democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate
    valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now
    is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all God's
    children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands
    of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

    It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of
    the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.
    This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will
    not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and
    equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
    Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will
    now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns
    to business as usual.

    There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until
    the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of
    revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until
    the bright day of justice emerges.

    But there is something that I must say to my people who stand
    on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In
    the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of
    wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom
    by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

    We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of
    dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest
    to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must
    rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul
    force.

    The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro
    community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for
    many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here
    today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with
    our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our
    freedom. We cannot walk alone.

    And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march
    ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the
    devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can
    never be satisfied long as the Negro is the victim of the
    unspeakable horrors of police brutality.

    We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with
    the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the
    highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as
    long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a
    larger one.

    We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi
    cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for
    which to vote. No, we are not satisfied, and we will not be
    satisfied until the justice rolls down like waters and
    righteousness like a mighty stream.

    I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of
    great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from
    narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your
    quest for freedom left you battered by the storms or persecution
    and staggered by winds of police brutality. You have been the
    veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith
    that unearned suffering is redemptive.

    Go back to Mississippi; go back to Alabama; go back to South
    Carolina; go back to Georgia; go back to Louisiana; go back to
    the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that
    somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not
    wallow in the valley of despair.

    I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the
    difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a
    dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

    I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and
    live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to
    be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

    I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the
    sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be
    able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

    I have a dream that one day, even in the state of
    Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice
    and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and
    justice.

    I have a dream that my four little children will one day live
    in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their
    skin, but by the content of their character.

    I have a dream today.

    I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose
    governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of
    interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a
    situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to
    join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk
    together as sisters and brothers.

    I have a dream today.

    I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted,
    every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will
    be made plains, and the crooked places will be made straight, and
    the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see
    it together.

    This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to
    the South.

    With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of
    despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to
    transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful
    symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work
    together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail
    together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will
    be free one day.

    This will be the day when all of God's children will be able
    to sing with new meaning,

    "My country 'tis of thee
    "Sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing;
    "Land where my fathers died,
    "Land of the pilgrim's pride,
    "From every mountainside,
    "Let freedom ring."

    And if America is to be a great nation, this must become
    true.

    So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New
    Hampshire.

    Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

    Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
    Pennsylvania!

    Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

    Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

    But not only that.

    Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

    Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

    Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
    From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

    When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every
    village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we
    will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children --
    black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and
    Catholics -- will be able to join hands and sing in the words of
    the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God
    Almighty, we are free at last!"

    28 Aug 1963
    Lulet edhe mund ti shkelin por Pranveren nuk mund ta ndalin dot.

  2. #2
    Rising Star and Legend Maska e Davius
    Anėtarėsuar
    20-04-2003
    Vendndodhja
    Underground
    Postime
    11,955
    Fjalimet qe ndryshuan boten

    Unė kam njė ėndėrr

    Mbajtur mė 28 gusht, 1963

    Martin Luther King Jr.

    Njėqind vjet mė parė, njė amerikan i madh, nėn hijen e tė cilit qėndrojmė sot, nėnshkroi Shpalljen e Emancipimit. Ky dekret i momentit erdhi si drita e njė feneri tė madh pėr miliona skllevėr negro, tė cilėt ishin pėrcėlluar nė flakėt e padrejtėsisė pėrvėluese. Erdhi si njė agim nė fund tė njė nate tė gjatė tė robėrimit.

    Por njė qind vite mė vonė, negrot ende nuk janė tė lirė. Njė qind vite mė vonė, jeta e njė zezaku ėshtė ende e sakatuar nga prangat e izolimit dhe zinxhirėt e diskriminimit. Njė qind vite mė vonė, negrot jetojnė nė njė ishull varfėrie nė mes tė njė oqeani tė gjerė me prosperitet material. Njė qind vite mė vonė, negrot ende brengosen nė qoshe tė shoqėrisė amerikane dhe e ndjejnė veten nė ekzil nė tokėn e tyre. Prandaj ne kemi ardhur kėtu tė dramatizojmė njė kusht tė turpshėm.

    Nė njė farė kuptimi, ne kemi ardhur nė kryeqytetin e kombit tonė pėr tė marrė njė ēek. Kur arkitektėt e republikės sonė shkruan fjalėt e mrekullueshme tė Kushtetutės dhe Shpalljes sė Pavarėsisė, ata po nėnshkruanin njė shėnim premtues, sipas sė cilit, ēdo amerikan duhet tė ishte trashėgimtar. Ky shėnim ishte njė premtim se tė gjithė njerėzit, po, njerėz tė zinj dhe tė bardhė, do t’i garantoheshin tė drejtat e patjetėrsueshme tė jetės, liria dhe kėrkimi i lumturisė. Ėshtė fare e qartė sot se Amerika nuk i ka plotėsuar zotimet e premtuara, pėr sa i pėrket qytetarėve me ngjyrė. Nė vend qė tė nderojnė kėtė detyrim tė shenjtė, Amerika u ka dhėnė popullit zezak njė ēek tė keq, njė ēek nė tė cilin shėnohen “fonde tė pamjaftueshme”.

    Por ne refuzojmė tė besojmė se banka e drejtėsisė ka falimentuar. Ne refuzojmė tė besojmė se nuk ka fonde tė mjaftueshme nė kupėn e madhe tė mundėsive tė kėtij kombi. Prandaj ne kemi ardhur ta marrim kėtė ēek, njė ēek qė do tė na japė mbi kėrkesėn e pasurisė, lirinė dhe drejtėsinė.
    Tani ėshtė koha t’i bėjmė tė vėrteta premtimet e demokracisė. Tani ėshtė koha ta bėjmė drejtėsinė njė realitet pėr tė gjithė fėmijėt e Perėndisė. Do tė ishte fatale sikur ky komb tė tejkalonte urgjencėn e momentit. Njėmijė e nėntėqind e gjashtėdhjetė e treshi nuk ėshtė fundi, por fillimi. Vorbulla e revoltės do tė vazhdojė tė tundė themelin e kombit tonė deri nė ditėn e shndritshme qė drejtėsia do tė lindė.

    Duhet t’i them diēka atyre qė qėndrojnė nė pragun e ngrohtė, qė i drejton nė pallatin e drejtėsisė. Nė procesin pėr tė fituar vendin tonė tė drejtė, ne nuk duhet tė ndihemi fajtorė pėr veprimet tona tė gabuara. Le tė mos kėrkojmė tė kėnaqim etjen tonė pėr liri duke pirė nga kupa e zemėrimit dhe urrejtjes. Nuk duhet ta ngrijmė pėrpjekjen tonė nė sferėn e lartė tė dinjitetit dhe disiplinės. Nuk duhet tė lejojmė qė protestat tona krijuese tė degjenerojnė nė dhunė fizike. Duhet tė ngrihemi pėrsėri dhe pėrsėri nė lartėsinė madhore pėr tė bashkuar forcėn fizike me forcėn shpirtėrore.

    Jam i vetėdijshėm se disa prej jush kanė kaluar prova dhe vuajtje tė mėdha. Disa prej jush vijnė direkt nga qelitė e burgjeve. Disa prej jush vijnė nga zona ku kėrkimi pėr liri ju ka lėnė tė dėrrmuar nga stuhia e persekutimeve dhe ėshtė tronditur nga era e brutalitetit tė policisė. Ne jemi veteranėt e vuajtjes krijuese. Vazhdoni tė punoni me besimin se vuajtjet e pamerituara janė shpenguese. Shkoni nė Misisipi, shkoni nė Alabama, kthehuni nė Karolinėn e Jugut, shkoni nė Xheorxhia, kthehuni nė Luiziana, shkoni nė lagjet e varfra dhe getot e qyteteve veriore, duke ditur se nė njė farė mėnyre situata mund dhe do tė ndryshojė. Le tė mos zhytemi nė lėndinėn e dėshpėrimit, ju them, miqtė e mi. Edhe pse po pėrballemi me vėshtirėsitė e tė sotmes dhe tė nesėrmes, unė ende kam njė ėndėrr. Ėshtė njė ėndėrr e rrėnjosur thellė nė ėndrrėn amerikane.

    Unė kam njė ėndėrr se njė ditė ky komb do tė ngrihet dhe do tė jetojė kuptimin e vėrtetė tė besimit tė tij: Ne mendojmė se kėto tė vėrteta janė tė vetėkuptueshme, se tė gjithė njerėzit janė krijuar tė barabartė.
    Kam njė ėndėrr se njė ditė nė kodrat e kuqe tė Xheorxhias yjet e ish-skllevėrve dhe bijve tė tė zotėve tė ish-skllevėrve do tė ulen krah pėr krah nė tavolinėn e vėllazėrisė.

    Kam njė ėndėrr se njė ditė, madje dhe nė shtetin e Misisipit, njė shtet i djersitur me nxehtėsinė e padrejtėsisė, do tė djersisė nxehtėsinė e shtypjes, do tė transformohet nė njė oas lirie dhe drejtėsie.
    Kam njė ėndėrr se katėr fėmijėt e mi njė ditė do tė jetojnė nė njė komb ku nuk do tė gjykohen nga ngjyra e lėkurės, por nga pėrmbajtja e karakterit. Sot kam njė ėndėrr!
    Kam njė ėndėrr se poshtė nė Alabama, ku sundon racizmi i ligė, ku nga buzėt e guvernatorit dalin fjalė pa kuptim, djem dhe vajza tė vogla me ngjyrė, do tė mund tė bashkojnė duart me djem dhe vajza tė vogla tė bardha, si motra dhe vėllezėr. Sot kam njė ėndėrr!
    Kam njė ėndėrr se njė ditė ēdo luginė do tė lartėsohet dhe ēdo kodėr dhe mal do tė ulet, vendet e ashpra do tė sheshohen dhe vendet e lakuara do tė bėhen tė drejta, dhe lavdia e Perėndisė do tė zbulohet dhe tė gjithė do ta shohin sė bashku.
    Kjo ėshtė shpresa jonė. Ky ėshtė besimi me tė cilin kthehemi nė Jug. Me kėtė besim do tė jemi nė gjendje ta kthejmė malin e dėshpėrimit nė njė gur shprese. Me kėtė besim do tė jemi nė gjendje ta transformojmė disharmoninė e kombit tonė nė njė simfoni tė bukur tė vėllazėrisė. Me kėtė besim ne do tė jemi nė gjendje tė punojmė sė bashku, pėr tė luftuar sė bashku, pėr tė mbrojtur lirinė sė bashku, me dijen se njė ditė do tė jemi tė lirė. Dhe kjo do tė jetė dita kur fėmijėt e Perėndisė tė jenė nė gjendje tė kėndojnė sė bashku me njė kuptim tė ri “Vendi im ėshtė toka e ėmbėl e lirisė. Toka ku stėrgjyshėrit kanė vdekur, toka e krenarisė sė pilgrimėve, nga ēdo majė mali le tė kėndojė liria”. Dhe nėse Amerika do tė bėhet njė komb i madh, kjo duhet tė bėhet e vėrtetė.
    Kėshtu lėreni lirinė tė kumbojė nga majat e kodrave tė Nju Hemshajėrit.
    Lėreni lirinė tė kumbojė nga malet e gjera tė Nju Jorkut.
    Lėreni lirinė tė kumbojė nga lartėsitė e Pensilvanisė.
    Lėreni lirinė tė kumbojė nga shkėmbinjtė me dėborė tė Kolorados.
    Lėreni lirinė tė kumbojė nga pjerrėsirat e Kalifornisė.
    Por jo vetėm kaq. Lėreni lirinė tė kumbojė nga mali i gurit tė Xheorxhisė.
    Lėreni lirinė tė kumbojė nga mali i Tenesit.
    Lėreni lirinė tė kumbojė nga ēdo kodėr dhe pirg dheu i Misisipit, nga ēdo krah mali, lėreni lirinė tė kumbasė!
    Dhe kur kjo tė ndodhė, kur ta lejojmė lirinė tė kumbojė, kur ta lėmė tė kumbojė nga ēdo fshat dhe ēdo katundth, nga ēdo shtet dhe ēdo qytet, do tė jemi nė gjendje tė pėrshpejtojmė ditėn kur fėmijėt e Perėndisė, tė bardhėt dhe tė zinjtė, hebrenj dhe paganė, protestantė dhe katolikė, do tė bashkojnė duart dhe tė kėndojnė fjalėt e ritmit shpirtėror tė negrove “Mė nė fund tė lirė, mė nė fund tė lirė. Lavdi Zotit tė Plotfuqishėm, jemi mė nė fund tė lirė”.
    *Simbol i lėvizjes sė tė drejtave tė njeriut dhe vetė Amerikės. Pastor baptist nė Xheorxhi. Shpėrblehet me ēmimin “Nobel” mė 14 tetor, 1964. U vra mė 4 prill, 1968.
    My silence doesn't mean I am gone!

  3. #3
    alpha dominant Maska e D@mian
    Anėtarėsuar
    20-09-2005
    Vendndodhja
    Boston, MA
    Postime
    1,170
    Edhe une kam nje enderr, te mos paguaj cerekun e rroges ne taksa per endrrat ne diell te te tjereve!
    FLUCTUAT NEC MERGITUR

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Regullat e Postimit

  • Ju nuk mund tė hapni tema tė reja.
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  • Ju nuk mund tė bashkėngjitni skedarė.
  • Ju nuk mund tė ndryshoni postimet tuaja.
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