Washington Post: Procesi i pavaresimit te kovoves ka filluar

[rudo]

WASHINGTON (26 Mars) -"Formulimi i nje plani dhe orari per pavaresine e Kosoves kerkon ndertimin e konsensusit te administrates se Bushit me BE-ne, nderkohe qe zyrtaret thone se procesi ka filluar, por se Presidenti Bush do te vendos nese nje i derguar special i SHBA-ve ka nevoje te jete katalizator." Keshtu shkruan perditshmja amerikane "Washington Post" ne nje editorial ne numrin e se enjtes me titull "Perseri ne Ballkan". Gazeta i ben thirrje administrates amerikane ta riktheje vemendjen nga Ballkani, duke marre si shkas procesin e rishikimit te standardeve ne Kosove. Eshte bere nje kohe e gjate qe bartesit e politikes ne Uashington jane te preokupuar me problemet ne Ballkan, perderisa rajoni nuk e ka arritur stabilitetin. Nismat nderkombetare per dy ish arenat e luftes, Bosnje dhe Kosove, kane deshtuar te ofrojne prosperitet dhe zgjidhje te qendrueshme politike. Serbia fqinje, edhe pse mendohet se eshte demokratike, ende perpiqet te perhap nacionalizimin qe shkaktoi shume gjakderdhje. Administrata e Bushit dhe qeverite perendimore e kane zgjedhur si me te pershtatshme anashkalimin e kesaj pjese te trazuar gjate disa viteve te kaluara, edhe pse trupat amerikane dhe evropiane e mbajne paqen. Ky boshllek se shpejti do te perfundoje, pa marre parasysh nese qeverite rajonale dhe me gjere te jene gati ose jo, vlereson "Washington Post". Duke folur per UNMIK-un, gazeta vlereson se administrata nderkombetare ka pasur nje shfaqje te zbehte. Kryeministri i fundit u detyrua te dorezohet ne Gjykaten e Hages, por varferia e vazhdueshme ne Kosove dhe tensionet etnike jane ende produkt i statusit te pazgjidhur. Qeverite perendimore duket se pajtohen se territori, popullata e te cilit jane shumice shqiptare, nuk mund te kthehet me kurre nen Serbi, qe nenkupton se ajo duhet te behet ne nje menyre e pavarur. Por, ende nuk ka konsensus se kur dhe me cfare kushtesh Kosoves mund t'i garantohet sovraniteti. Formulimi i nje plani dhe orari per pavaresine e Kosoves do te kerkoje ndertimin me kujdes dhe te shkathet te konsensusit te administrates se Bushit me BE-ne. Zyrtaret shprehen se procesi ka filluar, por se presidenti Bush do te vendos nese nje i derguar special i SHBA-ve ka nevoje te jete katalizator. Ky zyrtar do te punoje gjithashtu ne nje plan per te liruar Bosnjen nga vazhdimesia e statusit te saj te tanishem, si nje protektorat nderkombetar dhe te inkurajoj Serbine te shoh integrimin ne Evrope dhe NATO si te favorshme, se sa agjenden nacionaliste. Por, as Serbia e Rusia e as mungesa e vullnetit te administrates se zene per t'u marre edhe me nje problem, nuk duhet te lejohet t'i dal ne rruge zgjidhjes se te ardhmes se Kosoves dhe zhvillimit te nje plani me te gjere per Ballkanin kete vit. Shtyrja vetem se do te ftoje rishfaqjen e konfliktit te tmerrshem qe goditi perendimin para nje dekade, shkruan "Uashington Post". em/em(RadioKosova/BalkanWeb)

[rudo]

Back to the Balkans
Thursday, March 24, 2005; Page A18


IT'S BEEN A long time since policymakers in Washington were preoccupied with the problems of the Balkans. Yet, while the wars that devastated southeastern Europe in the 1990s and that twice prompted U.S. military intervention receded long ago, the region has never regained stability. International trusteeships for two former battlefields, Bosnia and the Serbian province of Kosovo, have failed to provide prosperity or lasting political solutions. Neighboring Serbia, though now a democracy, still struggles to shed the malignant nationalism that fueled much of the bloodshed. The Bush administration and other Western governments have found it convenient to relegate this troublesome area to a back burner for most of the past several years, even while U.S. and European troops keep the peace. That hiatus will soon end -- whether or not the region and outside governments are ready.

One trigger of a Balkan reengagement is the scheduled review of Kosovo's government by the U.N. Security Council this summer. That internationally supervised administration has performed poorly; its latest prime minister recently was obliged to surrender to the Balkan war crimes tribunal at The Hague. But Kosovo's continued poverty and ethnic tension are also the products of its unresolved status. Western governments seem to agree that the territory, whose population is mostly ethnic Albanian, can never be returned to Serbian rule, which means it must become independent in some form. But there's no consensus on how, when or under what conditions Kosovo might be granted sovereignty. Some Western experts, such as former defense secretary Frank Carlucci, have proposed that the process be completed by the end of next year, while others say it should be linked to an integration of the Balkan states into the European Union, a process that could take many more years.

Serb leaders, meanwhile, reject independence or dream of annexing the Serb-populated enclaves in the province. They find sympathy in Russia, which has been harboring some of the Serb war criminals still at large.

Untangling this and formulating a workable plan and timetable for Kosovo's independence will require concerted and skillful consensus-building by the Bush administration with the European Union. Officials say that process has begun, but President Bush should consider whether a special U.S. envoy is needed to catalyze it; proposals for a U.N. special representative seem to have stalled. Such an official could also work on a concrete plan to lift Bosnia from its continued status as an international protectorate and on the means to encourage Serbia to pursue a future of integration with Europe and NATO, rather than a nationalist agenda. But neither Serbia nor Russia -- nor the reluctance of a busy administration to take on another problem -- should be allowed to stand in the way of resolving Kosovo's future and developing a broader plan for the Balkans this year. Delay will only invite a resumption of the terrible conflict that plagued the West a decade ago.

Washington Post

[DYDRINAS]

Serbia te pakten mendoj une e di se Kosova eshte tashme ceshtje e qytetareve te Kosoves dhe se keta qytetare nuk do te vendosin per asgje tjeter vec pavaresise se plote e cila nga komuniteti nderkombetar do te pranohet me kusht qe prapa fjales pavaresi te kete nje - .
Mirepo nga ky proces,Serbia perpiqet te perfitoje ate qe ajo deshiron.Ajo deshiron integrimin e saj te shpejte ne strukturat evropiane dhe nje ndihme ekonomike per zhvillim ne kembim te borxheve te shumta te trasheguara nga e kaluara.
Serbet nuk kane ku te gjejne rast tjeter me te mire se ky per te realizuar ambicjet e tyre sepse ambicja per te cilen ata e pergjaken Ballkanin (jo vetem ne dhjetevjecarin e fundit) ka vdekur.
Tash eshte koha qe te dy popujt ne menyre te qyteteruar te vendosin nje paqe afatgjate ne mes tyre por dhe me fqinjet e tjere.
Nese Amerika eshte udheheqese e ketyre proceseve ne Ballkan athere dhe BE duhet te tregohet me energjik e me fleksibel me kete pjese te veten.Nese Amerika do te vendose rregullin ne Ballkan athere i mbetet detyre BE ta zhvilloje ekonomikisht dhe ta integroje ne nje periudhe te shkurter kohe te tere rajonin ne gjirin e vet.

[ademur]

Back to the Balkans
Thursday, March 24, 2005; Page A18


IT'S BEEN A long time since policymakers in Washington were preoccupied with the problems of the Balkans. Yet, while the wars that devastated southeastern Europe in the 1990s and that twice prompted U.S. military intervention receded long ago, the region has never regained stability. International trusteeships for two former battlefields, Bosnia and the Serbian province of Kosovo, have failed to provide prosperity or lasting political solutions. Neighboring Serbia, though now a democracy, still struggles to shed the malignant nationalism that fueled much of the bloodshed. The Bush administration and other Western governments have found it convenient to relegate this troublesome area to a back burner for most of the past several years, even while U.S. and European troops keep the peace. That hiatus will soon end -- whether or not the region and outside governments are ready.

One trigger of a Balkan reengagement is the scheduled review of Kosovo's government by the U.N. Security Council this summer. That internationally supervised administration has performed poorly; its latest prime minister recently was obliged to surrender to the Balkan war crimes tribunal at The Hague. But Kosovo's continued poverty and ethnic tension are also the products of its unresolved status. Western governments seem to agree that the territory, whose population is mostly ethnic Albanian, can never be returned to Serbian rule, which means it must become independent in some form. But there's no consensus on how, when or under what conditions Kosovo might be granted sovereignty. Some Western experts, such as former defense secretary Frank Carlucci, have proposed that the process be completed by the end of next year, while others say it should be linked to an integration of the Balkan states into the European Union, a process that could take many more years.

Serb leaders, meanwhile, reject independence or dream of annexing the Serb-populated enclaves in the province. They find sympathy in Russia, which has been harboring some of the Serb war criminals still at large.

Untangling this and formulating a workable plan and timetable for Kosovo's independence will require concerted and skillful consensus-building by the Bush administration with the European Union. Officials say that process has begun, but President Bush should consider whether a special U.S. envoy is needed to catalyze it; proposals for a U.N. special representative seem to have stalled. Such an official could also work on a concrete plan to lift Bosnia from its continued status as an international protectorate and on the means to encourage Serbia to pursue a future of integration with Europe and NATO, rather than a nationalist agenda. But neither Serbia nor Russia -- nor the reluctance of a busy administration to take on another problem -- should be allowed to stand in the way of resolving Kosovo's future and developing a broader plan for the Balkans this year. Delay will only invite a resumption of the terrible conflict that plagued the West a decade ago.

Washington Post

Më duket se këtu në Forum gjuha shqipe është gjuhë komunikimi!Kjo vlenë edhe për ata që nuk e dijnë mirë shqipen.Gabimet gjuhësore nuk janë pengesë por ionjorimi i plotë i saj!C`farë të bënj un që nuk dij English(ndoshta)!