NY Times i bashkohet trenit te pavaresise se Kosoves

[RTP]

Artikulli i meposhtem doli ne New York Times-in e dates 22 .
Megjithese prej nje shkrimtari jashte staff-it te NYT, ai e ben (me c'di une)
kete gazete te paren nga te medhate e Amerikes te keshilloje
pavaresine e Kosoves.

Ju nxis t'i shkruani NYT ne mbeshtetje te
artikullit.

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/22/op...c1bc99&ei=5070

[RTP]

EDITORIAL DESK | February 22, 2005, Tuesday

The War We Haven't Finished

By FRANK C. CARLUCCI (NYT) Op-Ed 793 words
Late Edition - Final , Section A , Page 17 , Column 1

ABSTRACT - Op-Ed article by Frank C Carlucci says situation in Kosovo is too tense to wait around forever; says seemingly endless delays over final-status talks are causing deep frustration and resentment among Kosovo's Albanians, who seek independent state; says they have already rioted, and any resurgence could prompt Kosovo's Serbs to ask Belgrade to intervene, resulting in return to open war in Balkans; says so-called Contact Group--US, Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Russia--must initiate process for final settlement; says Kosovars could start writing constitution, leading eventually to international conference and referendum within Kosovo; says US and countries of European Union should formally recognize independent Kosovo, and hope Russians accede to majority will (M)

[rudo]

OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
The War We Haven't Finished
By FRANK C. CARLUCCI

Published: February 22, 2005


Washington

WASHINGTON isn't exactly short of foreign policy priorities these days, but before rushing into a list of new tasks for the president's second term, I would like to suggest sorting out an old one: Kosovo.

The world reacted in horror six years ago when the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milosevic embarked on an ethnic cleansing operation against Kosovo's Albanians, forcing 700,000 people, nearly half the population, to flee the province. Reports of massacres and images of mileslong lines of refugees fleeing into neighboring Albania and Macedonia compelled the world to act. The NATO air campaign against Serbia that followed convinced Belgrade to give up its brutal assault, and Kosovo was put under United Nations administration.

And so it remains to this day: an international protectorate, legally part of Serbia, but with a 90 percent ethnic Albanian population that would sooner go to war than submit to Belgrade's rule. Kosovars seek an independent state, and the seemingly endless delays over final-status talks are only causing deep frustration and resentment.

Their discontent is not simply a matter of hurt pride over national sovereignty; Kosovo's unsettled international status has serious repercussions for daily life. Because it is under United Nations administration, Kosovo is in economic limbo: it cannot be part of the international bank transfer system, it is ineligible for sovereign lending from development banks, and it can attract few foreign investors. With 70 percent unemployment, the province is being starved of the commerce it badly needs.

Perhaps most important, the continuing uncertainty creates widespread insecurity among Kosovo's ethnic Albanians, who live with a constant sense of dread that they could return to Serb rule. It is essentially a siege mentality, and it could explode into violence at any time.

This is what happened last March, when Albanians rioted, killing at least 20 and destroying hundreds of Serbian houses and churches. Of course, mounting frustration cannot excuse or justify such a rampage, but the events clearly demonstrated that United Nations administration is not working.

With spring approaching, a repeat performance looks increasingly likely. But this time it would probably be far worse: Kosovo's Serbs may well ask Belgrade to intervene to protect them, which could result in a return to open war in the Balkans. Under these circumstances, the United Nations mission would probably evacuate, leaving behind the remnants of the NATO-led military force and the Kosovo Police Service to maintain security. These forces are not up to the job, and the chaos would be horrible.

How can we avoid such a nightmare? The only solution that makes long-term sense is full independence for Kosovo, and the only question that remains is how to get there.

The best approach would be for Washington and its five partners in the so-called Contact Group - Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Russia - to initiate a process for a final settlement, or Kosovo Accord. (Something along these lines was proposed last month by the International Crisis Group, an independent conflict prevention organization.)

First the powers would have to establish a timeline and some ground rules. The goal would have to be independence for the entire province, and all other options - partition, or union with Albania or slivers of other neighboring states where ethnic Albanians live - would be off the table from the outset. Given the events of last March, the Kosovo Albanians would be informed that that the pace of their progress toward independence will be set by their treatment of Serbs and other minorities.

The drafting process could begin as soon as the United Nations completes its assessment of the Kosovo government this year. Then the Kosovars could start writing a constitution. The new state would have to agree to a few strong guarantees to protect the rights of its minorities - including the presence of international judges on its higher courts and a multinational monitoring presence. Eventually, an international conference and a referendum within Kosovo would add the final stamps of approval. If all goes well, this could be wrapped up by mid-2006.

Getting Security Council approval, or even unanimity within the Contact Group, for this approach could prove tough. Russia sees itself as a protector of Serbia, and could thwart the process. The United States should counter by bringing along as many countries in the European Union as are willing to join us in formally recognizing an independent Kosovo, and hope the Russians accede to the majority will.

It's understandable, considering the events of the last four years, that Kosovo has been left hanging. But the situation is simply too tense to wait around forever.


Frank C. Carlucci, secretary of defense from 1987 to 1989, is chairman emeritus of the Carlyle Group, an investment firm.

[Dr Rieux]

Pergezime per temen, sa po pergatitesha ta hapja ketu. Gjithashtu nje problem i lidhur me kete artikull. Ne nje email qe mora nga nje mail-list, autori shkruan se ne pergjigje te artikullit te mesiperm, ambasadori serb ne SHBA dhe drejtorit i kongresit serb po ne SHBA kane reaguar duke e quajtur ndermjet te tjerash Serbine si shtetin me demokratik multietnik te dale nga sih-Jugosllavia dhe Kosoven si nje vend ku ben kerdine droga dhe trafiku njerezor. Nderkohe nuk ka pasur asnje reagim nga komuniteti shqiptar ndaj ketyre deklaratave. Mendoj se nje karakteristike e jona e trasheguar nga mendesite komuniste eshte indiferenca ne situata te tilla, e ngritur kjo ne rang kombetar. Te pakten ambasori shqiptar ne SHBA duhet te jepte nje kunderpergjigje, eshte nje nder detyrat qe duhet te permbushi per rrogen qe merr. Me poshte mesazhi i plote bashke me lidhjet perkatese:

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Pas nje artikulli te Frank Carlucci-t ne New York Times javen qe shkoi, si ambasadori serb ne Uashington ashtu edhe drejtori i zyres se kongresit serb (Serbian Unity Congress) e mbyten faqen e letrave te NYT duke e deklaruar Serbine demokratike "the most multiethnic state to emerge from the former Yugoslavia" si dhe duke denigruar Kosoven dhe shqiptaret e Kosoves.

Ambasadori kishte edhe nervin qe te deklaronte: "To gain more responsibilities, the Kosovo Albanians should first have to prove their commitment to democracy, basic human rights and the rule of law."

Nuk besoj se ka deklarate me skandaloze dhe te turpshme qe te meritoje vemendjen e komentatoreve, studenteve dhe akademikeve shqiptare ne mbare boten. Per fat te keq, politika zyrtare mbare-shqiptare eshte memece dhe ne vend qe te perfaqesoje, hesht turpshem dhe denueshem. Sic dihet, nuk mund te presim qe Tirana zyrtare dhe diplomatet e saj te keqtrajtuar dhe te strukur neper zyre-za kryeqytetesh ne Perendim te kene kohe qe te kujdesen per imazhin e shqiptareve ne publikime serioze si NYT. Por te zgjedhesh heshtjen ne raste te tilla do te thote te lesh qe nje akuze si kjo te kthehet automatikisht ne nje te vertete.

detajet:
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/01/op...l01kosovo.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/22/op...1b&ei=5070&8bl

Letrat ne NYT mund te dergohen ketu: letters@nytimes.com
Fax: 212.556.3622.
Letters to the Editor
The New York Times
229 West 43rd Street
New York, NY 10036

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Mbase mund te cojme nje reagim ne si "komunitet" virtual i Albasoul ne adresen e mesiperme, sic jane bere nisma te ngjajshme dhe ne te kaluaren.

[Veshtrusja]

e mbyten faqen e letrave te NYT duke e deklaruar Serbine demokratike

ncncncn ca poshtersie...

Duhet pergjigjur patjeter!

Ne qoftese nuk pergjigjemi si kolektive, atehere le te pergjigjemi si individe!

Flmn qe e hapet kete teme.

[Kleitus]

Kjo nuk eshte asnje gje more djelmosha. Dy jave me pare ne "The Economist" kishte nje artikull per popullsine ROMA, "the unwanted people", dhe ne Serbi dhe Rumani cuditerisht! keto komunitete ishin ne perqindje me te madhe dhe me te varferat. Ne letrat e javes se ardhshme, pra nje jave me pare, nje Serb ishte pergjigjur duke thene se Kosovaret vrasin Romat, ata jane kriminele etj etj.

Me erdhi keq me shume per kete reviste 140 vjecare prestigjoze se sa per ate te semurin psikik, sepse ne letrat e editorialit ka lajme si "Rreziku Berthamor", "Ngrohja e Planetit" etj etj, por ne asnej vend nuk shihet te AKUZOSH pa prova nje shtet tjeter, dhe kjo leter te botohet. Qe dicka skandaloze kur e pashe, sepse ate reviste e lexojne me miliona njerez ne gjithe boten dhe lajmi i ketij shokut qe akuzonte haptas Kosovaret si kriminele qe skandaloz.

[Veshtrusja]

Per ata qe jane te interesuar per tu pergjigjur te adresa qe ka postuar Dr. Rieux, kini parasysh se nuk duhet te kaloni 150 fjale dhe se duhet te shkruani informatat tuaja (gje qe nuk e dija prandaj jam e detyruar ta ridergoj). Kjo eshte pergjigja qe me kthyen kur dergova opinionin tim:

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[Albo]

Me duket se po i jepni me shume rendesi artikujve neper gazeta si NYT, se sa burimit te ketij artikulli, raportit te Grupit te Krizave Nderkombetare, qe eshte bere shkak per kete artikull. Une u gezova me raportin e grupit te cilin e gjeni si kryeteme ne kete forum dhe ju ftoj qe te gjithe ta lexoni fillim mbarim.


Dy fjale per NYT...

Duke qene se shume nga ju nuk jetoni ne Amerike dhe nuk e njihni nga afer reputacionin apo politiken e ndjekur nga NYT, e shoh te arsyeshme qe tu bej disa gjera te qarta. Eshte e vertete qe NYT eshte nje prej gazetave me prestigjoze ne shtypin amerikan, per te mos thene me prestigjozja, por ne te njejten kohe, reputacioni dhe tirazhi i saj ka ardhur ne renie keto vitet e fundit. Shkas per kete eshte bere opozita e hapur qe ajo i ka bere jo vetem administrates republikane te BUSH, por gjithe inisiativave konservatore ne kongresin amerikan ne keto 2-3 dekadat e fundit. Pse ua them kete? Ua them qe te mos ngaterroni ate qe lexoni ne NYT me qendrimin zyrtar te administrates amerikane.

- NYT mbrojti nje qendrim kunder nderhyrjes ne Irak.
- NYT mbeshteti ne menyre publike kandidaturen e Xhon Kerry ne zgjedhjet e fundit presidenciale, dhe Albert Gore ne zgjedhjet e 2000, te dy demokrate te majte.
- NYT ne Washington dhe ne Shtepine e Bardhe shihet si nje tribune e mendimit liberal te majte qe i ben opozite te hapur programit te administrates Bush.
...etj ... etj

NYT ka mbajtur nje qendrim indiferent karshi ceshtjes sone kombetare dhe gjate viteve te luftes kjo gazete u krijoi nje mundesi interesave serbe ne SHBA qe te mbrojne perpara opinionit publik masakrat dhe genocidin e Milloshevic ndaj shqiptareve. Arsyeja perse sot NYT ndryshon tonin e zerit karshi Kosoves lidhet me faktin se shume prej atyre emrave qe kane formuluar dhe firmosur raportin e grupit te krizave per Kosoven, jane disa prej emrave me te mirenjohur te spektrit te majte politik ne SHBA. Allbright, Hollbrook, Clark, etj. qe jane deklaruar publikisht per pavaresine e Kosoves si zgjidhjen e vetme te konfliktit ne Kosove. Pa harruar qe ne Washington, mediat dhe njerezit e politikes e etiketojne shpesh luften e Kosoves si "lufta e Klintonit".

Sic e thashe edhe ne krye te ketij mesazhi, nuk duhet te gezoheni me artikuj gazetash, duhet te gezoheni me raporte si ai i grupit te krizave apo raportit te mbajtur nga kryeadministratori Peterson perpara Keshillit te Sigurimit ne OKB. Jane keto qendrime qe merren parasysh nga administrata amerikane, e cila do te jete ajo qe do te thote fjalen e fundit per pavaresine e Kosoves.

[Veshtrusja]

Ua them qe te mos ngaterroni ate qe lexoni ne NYT me qendrimin zyrtar te administrates amerikane.

Absolutisht, jo. Nuk ka si te behet nje ngaterres e tille. Nuk jam e sigurt sa mund ti kete ren "prestigja" NYT, por di qe media eshte nder aktoret qe ka influencen (edhe kjo influence shpesh indirekte nepermjet popullit) me te vogel mbi ceshtjet nderkombetare ne politiken amerikane (nese ka fare influence). (Pra, ju jap te drejte te kjo pike.)

Por ama, ketu qendron problemi me "standartet". Dhe jo se standartet nuk jane te arsyeshme, por a e shikon se si komuniteti Serb mund ti perdori ato per te, gjoja, "justifikuar" lenien pas dore te percaktimit te statusit?

[Kleitus]

Mire e ke ti Albo, por ne rastin konkret pro pavarsise se Kosoves qe nje ex-funksionar i larte i SHBA-se, dhe kundra qe lajmi i ultranacioanlisteve Serb. Ky eshte shyp, dhe jo politike. Nuk di pse e solle kete shkrim ketu nga forumi i Shtypit/Politikes dhe perseri e mbart me vete faktorin politike. Keto jane gazeta qe informojne boten, si Economist e NYT, e te shkruhet haptas se Kosovaret vrasin, cfare do thote njeriu i thjeshte ? Psh nje Amerikan ? nje Amerikano-Ukrainas ? Nje Amerikano-Polak ? Nje Amerikano-Italian etj etj.