Kerri lobit grek: 10% e shqiptarëve janë grekë

[R2T]

Ne rradhe te pare, cfare lidhje ka artikulli qe solli ALBA me temen? Apo perdoret titulli si katalizator interesi dhe pastaj artikulli thote vec fjale te mira per Shqiptaret. \
Se dyti bashkohem me karaburunin, kush eshte burimi i ketij thashethemi se gjoja Kerry ka thene se 10% e Shqiptareve jane greke? Te drejte i jap gjithashtu karaburunit, kur thote se duhet te jeni me te kujdesshem em shpifjet qe perhapni, ne kete rast mund te kene efekt negativ per gjithe Shqiperine e jo vetem per inbteresat tuaja personale. \
Dhe se fundi, faji kryesor i dilemes mbi minoritetin grek mbetet i qeverise Shqiptare, dhe jo vetem te kesaj tani po te gjitha atyre para saj, qe nuk regjistron popullsine e ti japi fund nje here e mire spekulimeve te ndryshme.

[Iliriani]

Popullsia eshte regjistruar ne 2001 e nga keto regjistrime kane dale ato te dhena per minoritetin 1.17 dhe atehere ka qene kryeminister Meta.
Po organizatat ekstremiste duan qe te blejne njerez te varfer poshte e larte me leke e me pesione qe japin dhe te dali ne harte qe nuk ka vetem minoritet grek ne dropull po ne gjithe jugun e shqiperise.
Per kete kane vite qe punojne e hedhin para ne juge dhe qeveria jone i le.
Kjo eshte ne vazhden e atyre planeve te vjetra shoviniste greke.

Per kete kam lexuar disa kohe me pare dhe nje shkrim te Metes qe ishte kryeminister ne ate kohe dhe shpjegonte regjistrimin dhe aty deklaronte se ne nuk mund te krijojme minoritete,minoritetet jane ato qe jane.

[StormAngel]

E Premte, 30 Korrik 2004


DY QENDRIMET E NDRYSHME TE XHON KERRIT

Si u drejtohet grekeve

"Administrata ime, nese zgjidhet, per te siguruar interesin tone per qendrueshmerine e paqes dhe te stabilitetit ne Ballkanin e Jugut, do te ndermarre nje dialog intensiv diplomatik me qeverine e Shqiperise per te siguruar zbatimin e ligjeve dhe mbrojtjen dhe respektimin e te drejtave te njeriut dhe vecanerisht te minoriteteve ne kete vend. Shtetet e Bashkuara duhet t'ia bejne te qarte qeverise se Shqiperia duhet t'i trajtoje minoritetet ne menyre te drejte dhe humane, ne te njejten menyre qe ajo kerkon te trajtohet minoriteti shqiptar ne vendet fqinje ne Ballkan.

Nderkohe, qe Shqiperia ka arritur me sukses te realizoje numerimin e minoritetit shqiptar ne ish-Republiken Jugosllave te Maqedonise, qeveria e ketij vendi po i reziston kerkeses se Bashkimit Europian

per te numeruar minoritaret qe jetojne ne Shqiperi, keshtu qe ajo mund te vazhdoje te deklaroje se minoriteti grek eshte i vogel ne numer, nderkohe qe ai perben te pakten 10 per qind te popullsise prej 3.5 milione banoresh".

Si u drejtohet shqiptareve

"Jam krenar qe po marr perkrahje nga ana e shqiptaro-amerikaneve. Si president, do te nxit politika qe do te mbrojne bashkesite qe ju keni ndertuar dhe te ruajne vlerat qe ju keni respektuar. Ne do te kujdesemi per te moshuarit tuaj, do ta bejme me te shpejte kujdesin shendetesor, do te zhvillojme arsimin, do te ndihmojme bizneset e vogla dhe do te sigurojme mundesi te barabarta per te gjithe. Une vleresoj gjithashtu, lidhjet e forta qe shqiptaro-amerikanet kane me miqte, familjet dhe te afermit e tyre ne Evropen Juglindore. Keto lidhje e bejne vendin tone te fuqishem dhe te madh. Ato na kujtojne vlerat qe na sollen ketu, si dhe shpresat dhe mundesine qe mbeten kudo. Ato e ndihmojne Ameriken te krijoje miqesi dhe te farketoe aleanca. Nuk eshte e rastit qe Shqiperia ka derguar trupa ne Afganistan dhe Irak, qe Shqiperia eshte treguar e vendosur ne luften kunder terrorizmit, apo qe shqiptaret konsiderohen sot si nder me pro-amerikanet ne bote. Kjo vjen si pasoje e rrjetit te lidhjeve, qe bashkon, jo thjesht qeverite, por njerez qe besojne ne te njejtat vlera".

[Hyllien]

marre nga website http://www.hellenicnews.com/readnews...d=2079&lang=US

AHI Sends Letter to Senator John Kerry for his Consideration of Issuing a Statement to the Greek American Community



WASHINGTON, DC—On July 19, 2004, AHI Executive Director Nick Larigakis sent a letter to Senator John Kerry for his consideration of issuing a statement to the Greek American community on (1) Cyprus, (2) the Ecumenical Patriarchate, (3) Albania, and (4) the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. The letter to Senator Kerry appears below and is followed by the full text of the draft statement:

July 19, 2004

The Honorable Senator John Kerry
John Kerry for President
P.O. Box 34640
Washington, D.C. 20043

Re: Statement on Issues of Concern to the Greek American Community:

1. Cyprus;
2. Ecumenical Patriarchate;
3. Albania; and
4. Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

Dear Senator Kerry:

Congratulations on your successes in leading the Democrat Party¢s bid for the White House.

I am enclosing a draft statement for your consideration that details several key issues of concern to the Greek American community today. Specifically, the statement discusses the following topics:

1. ensuring a just and lasting resolution to the Cyprus conflict that applies American values and democratic standards, including the rule of law, majority rule and protection of minority and human rights;
2. safeguarding the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul and reopening the Halki Patriachal School of Theology;
3. ensuring that Albania observes the rule of law and protects minority rights for its significant Greek population; and
4. supporting a name for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) that does not include the word "Macedonia."

While all of the subjects mentioned are significant and relevant to the Greek American community, a paramount concern of Greek Americans is with the Cyprus conflict. Accordingly, much of the enclosed statement is devoted to discussing what U.S. policy should be on the Cyprus issue. The section on this topic urges the U.S., in its own best interests, to support modifications in the UN Annan Plan to make it fair, balanced, functional and financially viable. These modifications include:

1. support for a constitutional democracy for Cyprus;
2. support for the full and prompt demilitarization of Cyprus;
3. support for the prompt return to Turkey of the over 110,000 illegal Turkish settlers;
4. the removal of the Turkish Green Line barbed wire fence; and
5. the implementation of a property recovery and compensation system as well as the protection of property rights for all Cypriots.

Background

As a presidential candidate, Governor Jimmy Carter had specifically endorsed UNGA Res. 3212, stating that: "Peace must be based on the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3212 of 1 November 1974 endorsed by Cyprus, Greece and Turkey, calling among other things for the removal of all foreign military forces from Cyprus."

Carter further said that the U.S. must work "to insure the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus," that Greek Cypriot refugees should be allowed "to return to their homes," that the "United States must pursue a policy based on principle and in accord with the rule of law" and that "If I am elected president I intend to enforce and carry out the provisions of my statement." Speech by Carter in Washington, D.C. (Sept. 16, 1976). President Carter reneged on his campaign positions in the early months of his presidency.

Presidential candidate Ronald Reagan stated that President Carter had "reneged on his campaign pledges" regarding Cyprus. Candidate Reagan stated:

"The tragic situation in Cyprus has lasted six years. It must not continue . . . Cypriot refugees, be they Greek or Turkish, should be permitted to return to their homes and land. I support the full implementation of unanimously approved United Nations Resolution 3212 of November 1974 which ¡Calls upon all States to respect the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus and to refrain from all acts and intervention directed against it; Urges the speedy withdrawal of all foreign armed forces and foreign military presence and personnel from the Republic of Cyprus and the cessation of all foreign interference in its affairs.¢" Reagan-Bush Committee news release (Sept. 26, 1980).

President Reagan did not follow through on his campaign statement.

Presidential candidate Vice President George H.W. Bush made the following statement on July 7, 1988:

"We seek for Cyprus a constitutional democracy based on majority rule, the rule of law, and the protection of minority rights . . . . I want to see a democratic Cyprus free from the threat of war." (Speech, Boston, July 8, 1988.)

President Bush elevated the Cyprus issue to the White House level and thought that he had a deal among the parties. At a Paris conference in late 1991, Turkey reneged on the deal.

Presidential candidate Governor Bill Clinton issued the following statement on October 2, 1992:

"In this world of extraordinary change, it is tragic that a just solution to the Cyprus problem remains elusive. Since 1974 the northern part of Cyprus has been under Turkish military occupation. The United States has a moral obligation as well as a national security interest to see that this illegal occupation of Cyprus comes to an end.

The United States and the world community will not accept the permanent division of Cyprus. The search for a just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem must be vigorously pursued. Such a Cyprus settlement should be consistent with the fundamental principles of human rights and democratic norms and practices. Accordingly, a Cyprus settlement can be just and viable only if it provides for the withdrawal of Turkish occupation forces; satisfactorily accounts for all for all American and Greek Cypriots missing since 1974; provides for the rights of refugees; ensures the sovereign independence and territorial integrity of the state; and establishes a democratic constitution which respects and guarantees the rights of both communities.

I will give the Cyprus issue a high foreign policy priority in my administration and, working with the European Community and the United Nations, I will press hard for a lasting solution to the tragedy of Cyprus. Such a solution will serve not only the best interests of Cyprus, but also the best interests of our allies, Greece and Turkey, and above all the best interests of the United States."

President Clinton did not follow through on his campaign statement. At a fundraiser in 1996 he told Greek Americans, in response to a question, that he would not pressure Turkey.

Also pertinent is the Eisenhower Doctrine of applying the rule of law to friend and opponent alike. In the Suez crisis of 1956, President Eisenhower stated:

"There can be no peace without law. And there can be no law if we were to invoke one code of international conduct for those who oppose us and another for our friends."

Eisenhower reversed the aggression by economic and political pressure without firing a shot. There should be no economic aid to Turkey or the Turkish Cypriots until Turkey removes its armed forces and settlers from Cyprus and tears down the Green Line barbed wire fence.

Also pertinent is the Bush-Gorbachev doctrine that "aggression cannot and will not pay" as set forth in their joint statement in Helsinki on September 9, 1990 regarding Saddam Hussein¢s invasion of Kuwait.

If you have any questions or need additional information, please have your staff contact me.

Sincerely,


/s/Nick Larigakis
Executive Director
American Hellenic Institute

Enclosure



###



DRAFT
STATEMENT BY SENATOR JOHN KERRY ON ISSUES OF CONCERN TO THE GREEK AMERICAN COMMUNITY

The celebration of the return of the Olympic games to Athens in 2004 for the first time since being revived there in 1896 is a historic moment that only adds to the long and rich history of Greece. I share in the pride and joy that all Americans of Hellenic descent are feeling for this truly unifying world sporting extravaganza that serves to remind us all of humanities potential for goodness and peace.

America¢s founding fathers borrowed from ancient Greece when writing our own Declaration of Independence and Constitution. They admired the fundamental ancient Greek beliefs of "Truth," "Beauty" and the "Eternal Values" as embodied in liberty, freedom and democracy. These are the cornerstones of our American values. Today, these same Greek ideals and institutions continue to guide our nation. Greek Americans have played an active role and continue to be an integral part of our great nation. Greek Americans have achieved a high level of accomplishment in education, business, medicine, law and government.

And although I can¢t name them all, I do wish to mention two in government that I have had the privilege to be associated with, the esteemed five term Senator from Maryland, Paul Sarbanes, and the former Governor of my home state of Massachusetts, Michael Dukakis.

Greece can play an effective role in our interests, and thus, I will look to Greece as an immensely valuable link in the region. I will do more to capitalize on Greece¢s close cultural, political, and economic ties to the Mediterranean countries, Western Europe, Southeastern Europe, and the Middle East in advancing U.S. interests.

Greece is a vigorous and stable democracy with a rapidly modernizing economy. It is also the only Balkan country that can boast membership in the EU and its European Monetary union as well as NATO. In combination, these factors make Greece a regional force for political stability and democracy-building and a sensible partner for U.S. investment and economic cooperation.

Establishing a special relationship with Greece will allow the us to capitalize on Greece¢s unique assets, thereby increasing the prospects for achieving our long-term goals of political stability, economic progress and democracy in Southeastern Europe, the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East.

However, I do acknowledge that there are certain foreign policy issues that the Greek American community is very concerned with. I too am concerned. Because if we do not properly address these issues, Americas¢ strategic and economic interests in the region of Southeastern Europe, the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, have the potential to be compromised.

Many may consider these issue to be parochial. They are not. They are American issues. Because they go to the heart of what America stands for: the rule of law, majority rule and the protection of minority and human rights – as embodied in our Declaration of Independence, our Constitution and our Bill of Rights, the most important documents in modern world history.



CYPRUS

2004 marks the sad 30-year anniversary of the Cyprus problem. Since 1974, U.S. policy on the Cyprus problem has been a foreign policy failure. On May 1, 2004 Cyprus became a member of the European Union of families as a divided and occupied nation, its northern part being under illegal Turkish military occupation. "The United States has a moral obligation as well as a national security interest to see that this illegal occupation of Cyprus comes to an end." It is unacceptable that this issue continues to go unresolved.

Therefore, a "search for a just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem must be vigorously pursued." Not ill conceived plans such as the most recent attempt made by the United Nations under the so-called Annan Plan. The plan was flawed because it was not functional or financially viable in addition to incorporating numerous elements that rewarded the aggressor, Turkey, and punished the victim, the Greek Cypriots.

U.S. policy on Cyprus, in the interests of the U.S., should apply American values and should include the following:
-- Full demilitarization of Cyprus by support of and implementation of the unanimous
UNGA Res. 3212 of November 1, 1974 urging "the speedy withdrawal of all foreign armed forces and foreign military presence and personnel from the Republic of Cyprus and the cessation of all foreign interference in its affairs;" and calling "upon all states to respect the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity" of Cyprus;

-- Support of a constitutional democracy for Cyprus "based on majority rule, the rule of law and the protection of minority rights;"

-- Support for changes and modifications in the UN Annan Plan for Cyprus: (1) to make it fair, balanced, workable, financially viable and just; (2) to include the immediate demilitarization of Cyprus; (3) to provide for the prompt return to Turkey of the over 110,000 illegal settlers from Turkey with all costs to be borne by Turkey, the aggressor; (4) to call for the immediate tearing down by Turkey of the Green Line barbed wire fence; (5) to have a property recovery and compensation system paid for by the aggressor Turkey; and (6) to have the right of all Cypriots to buy property and live wherever they chose without being limited by ethnic quotas.

Background

As a presidential candidate, Governor Jimmy Carter had specifically endorsed UNGA Res. 3212, stating that: "Peace must be based on the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3212 of 1 November 1974 endorsed by Cyprus, Greece and Turkey, calling among other things for the removal of all foreign military forces from Cyprus."

Carter further said that the U.S. must work "to insure the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus," that Greek Cypriot refugees should be allowed "to return to their homes," that the "United States must pursue a policy based on principle and in accord with the rule of law" and that "If I am elected president I intend to enforce and carry out the provisions of my statement." Speech by Carter in Washington, D.C. (Sept. 16, 1976). President Carter reneged on his campaign positions in the early months of his presidency.

Presidential candidate Ronald Reagan stated that President Carter had "reneged on his campaign pledges" regarding Cyprus. Candidate Reagan stated:

"The tragic situation in Cyprus has lasted six years. It must not continue . . . Cypriot refugees, be they Greek or Turkish, should be permitted to return to their homes and land. I support the full implementation of unanimously approved United Nations Resolution 3212 of November 1974 which ¡Calls upon all States to respect the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus and to refrain from all acts and intervention directed against it; Urges the speedy withdrawal of all foreign armed forces and foreign military presence and personnel from the Republic of Cyprus and the cessation of all foreign interference in its affairs.¢" Reagan-Bush Committee news release (Sept. 26, 1980).

President Reagan did not follow through on his campaign statement.

Presidential candidate Vice President George H.W. Bush made the following statement on July 7, 1988:

"We seek for Cyprus a constitutional democracy based on majority rule, the rule of law, and the protection of minority rights . . . . I want to see a democratic Cyprus free from the threat of war." (Speech, Boston, July 8, 1988.)

President Bush elevated the Cyprus issue to the White House level and thought that he had a deal among the parties. At a Paris conference in late 1991, Turkey reneged on the deal.

Presidential candidate Governor Bill Clinton issued the following statement on October 2, 1992:

"In this world of extraordinary change, it is tragic that a just solution to the Cyprus problem remains elusive. Since 1974 the northern part of Cyprus has been under Turkish military occupation. The United States has a moral obligation as well as a national security interest to see that this illegal occupation of Cyprus comes to an end.

The United States and the world community will not accept the permanent division of Cyprus. The search for a just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem must be vigorously pursued. Such a Cyprus settlement should be consistent with the fundamental principles of human rights and democratic norms and practices. Accordingly, a Cyprus settlement can be just and viable only if it provides for the withdrawal of Turkish occupation forces; satisfactorily accounts for all for all American and Greek Cypriots missing since 1974; provides for the rights of refugees; ensures the sovereign independence and territorial integrity of the state; and establishes a democratic constitution which respects and guarantees the rights of both communities.

I will give the Cyprus issue a high foreign policy priority in my administration and, working with the European Community and the United Nations, I will press hard for a lasting solution to the tragedy of Cyprus. Such a solution will serve not only the best interests of Cyprus, but also the best interests of our allies, Greece and Turkey, and above all the best interests of the United States."

President Clinton did not follow through on his campaign statement. At a fundraiser in 1996 he told Greek Americans, in response to a question, that he would not pressure Turkey.

Also pertinent is the Eisenhower Doctrine of applying the rule of law to friend and opponent alike. In the Suez crisis of 1956, President Eisenhower stated:

"There can be no peace without law. And there can be no law if we were to invoke one code of international conduct for those who oppose us and another for our friends."

Eisenhower reversed the aggression by economic and political pressure without firing a shot. There should be no economic aid to Turkey or the Turkish Cypriots until Turkey removes its armed forces and settlers from Cyprus and tears down the Green Line barbed wire fence.

Also pertinent is the Bush-Gorbachev doctrine that "aggression cannot and will not pay" as set forth in their joint statement in Helsinki on September 9, 1990 regarding Saddam Hussein¢s invasion of Kuwait.



ECUMENICAL PATRIARCHATE

The Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul is the spiritual center for more than 270 million Orthodox Christians worldwide, including approximately 5 million in the United States. In accordance with U.S. law expressed in Section 2804 of the Fiscal Year 1999 Appropriations Bill, I will express our desire to the Turkish government to safeguard the Ecumenical Patriarchate, its personnel, and its property, and to reopen the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology.



ALBANIA

My Administration, if elected, to insure our own interest and the interest of maintaining peace and stability in the southern Balkans, will seek to undertake an intense diplomatic dialogue with the government of Albania to ensure that the rule of law is observed and minority and basic human rights are protected. The U.S must make clear that Albania must treat its minorities fairly and humanely the way it wants Albanian minorities in neighboring countries to be treated.

Although Albania successfully sought a census to measure the Albanian minority in neighboring FYROM, its government resists the demand of the European Union to measure its minorities, so it can continue to claim that the Greek minority is small when it constitutes at least 10 percent of the country's 3.5 million population.


FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

A Kerry Administration will be sensitive to Greece¢s concern and therefore support a name for this former Yugoslav republic that does not include the word "Macedonia." Since antiquity, the name Macedonia has referred to a geographical region, not to a nationality.

When Marshal Tito fashioned the puppet "Socialist Republic of Macedonia" from the southern Yugoslav province of Vardar-Banovina in 1945, he did so to foment disorder in northern Greece in furtherance of his plan to communize the Balkan Peninsula and gain control of the key port city of Salonica. "Macedonian" nationalism was a product of Tito's fabrications. The then U.S. Secretary of State Edward Stettinius in a circular airgram to diplomatic officers on December 26, 1944 wrote:

"This Government considers talk of Macedonian 'nation,' Macedonian 'Fatherland,' or Macedonian 'national consciousness' to be unjustified demagoguery representing no ethnic nor political reality, and sees in its present revival a possible cloak for aggressive intentions against Greece."

The Truman Doctrine and massive financial aid under the Marshall Plan foiled Tito¢s hopes for communizing Greece.

=========

Ja se cfare behet, e shikoni apo jo cfare deklarate e ndyre e Grekeve, jo vetem per Shqiperine por edhe per FYROM Qipro etj. Ja dhe drafti dhe pergjigja e Kerrit, nje turp ku nuk ka ku te vete tashme. Titulli i temes ka qene ndryshe R2T, mbasi Kerry hipokriti ndryshoi surratin, u ndryshua dhe titulli.

[Hyllien]

Duke patur dhe Nanaqin ne Pushtet, dhe duke qene se eshte teper i etur per pushtet, me nje zgjedhje te Kerryt qe suporton interesat Greke, padyshim qe edhe Nano do jete pike e forte jo vetem per Europen por edhe per Ameriken.

Ky eshte fundi jone nese ky zgjidhet president.
Shko behu Aleat me Egjiptin e vendet e tjera Arabe, se keta nuk te duan.

Car do ky me, kur deri dhe ne 5 ministra minoritar kemi pasur ne pushtet, ku gjith bankat, telekomunikacionet i ka marre greku... car do ky njeri un nuk arrij dot ta konceptoj, mos valle ta shesim fare Shqiperine.

[StormAngel]

Ky ende pa mos hypur ne kale si duhet filloi te jep deklarata bomba!
Mire,mire...
Ketu do ndryshoj emer,ketu vendos nje lobi perkrahes...Cka tjeter?

[Albo]

Ju solla me lart te plote si letren e instituit grek edhe pergjigjen e Kerry. Me poshte gjeni edhe perkthimin ne shqip te asaj pjese te letres qe flet per Shqiperine.

ALBANIA

My Administration, if elected, to insure our own interest and the interest of maintaining peace and stability in the southern Balkans, will seek to undertake an intense diplomatic dialogue with the government of Albania to ensure that the rule of law is observed and minority and basic human rights are protected. The U.S must make clear that Albania must treat its minorities fairly and humanely the way it wants Albanian minorities in neighboring countries to be treated.

Although Albania successfully sought a census to measure the Albanian minority in neighboring FYROM, its government resists the demand of the European Union to measure its minorities, so it can continue to claim that the Greek minority is small when it constitutes at least 10 percent of the country's 3.5 million population.

Perkthimi ne shqip:

Shqiperia

Nese une zgjidhem, administrata ime, ne menyre qe te siguroje paqen dhe sigurine ne Ballkanin Jugor, do te hapi nje dialog intensiv me qeverine shqiptare per te garantuar shtetin ligjor dhe per te mbrojtur te drejtat humane te minoriteve ne vend. Shqiperia duhet te trajtoje minoritetet ne vend ne te njejten menyre si do te deshironte qe shtetet fqinje te trajtonin minoritetin shqiptar qe banon ne keto vende.

Shqiperia ia doli me sukses qe te kerkoje nje rregjistrim te popullsise shqiptare qe jeton ne IRJM, ajo i ka rezistuar thirrjeve te Bashkimit Evropian per rregjistrimin e minoriteve ne Shqiperi duke vazhduar te insistoje se minoriteti grek ne vend eshte i vogel, kur ne fakt ky minoritet perben te pakten 10% te popullsise prej 3.5 milone banoresh.

[Iliriani]

Deri tani keto jane publikime te Institutit greko-American dhe te drejtusit te tij Nik Larigakis.
Dhe ajo qe kemi eshte sipas ketyre zedhenesve.

Duket dikca shume per nje politikan qe dhe ne qofte se do te perkrah greket nuk mund te deklaroj dote hapur psh shifra se eshte gafe se ku bazohet ai ne ato shifra,gjera qe politikanet shpesh i menjanojne.
Ka shume pikepyetje e paqartesi dhe pamja nuk eshte komplete e ketij problemi qe te japesh nje gjykim perfundimtar.

Plus nuk ka nje kopje te tregoj letren origjinale me firmen e Kerrit si prove.

Lexoni te faqja qe flet per te njetat pyetje derguar Bushit eshte e njejte me ate te Kerrit.

Te Bushi:
DRAFT
PREPARED BY THE AMERICAN HELLENIC INSTITUTE AND SENT TO PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH FOR HIS CONSIDERATION OF ISSUING A STATEMENT ON ISSUES OF CONCERN TO THE GREEK AMERICAN COMMUNITY
http://www.hellenicnews.com/readnews...d=2124&lang=US


Te Kerry
DRAFT
STATEMENT BY SENATOR JOHN KERRY ON ISSUES OF CONCERN TO THE GREEK AMERICAN COMMUNITY
http://www.hellenicnews.com/readnews...d=2079&lang=US

Shikojeni vete.

Per te dy ka nje pergjigje dhe nuk ka letrat origjinale e aq me teper te dyja jane te njejta vetem se ajo e para ka ne krye qe e ka sjelle Kerry.
Mos eshte nje loje politike propogandistike qe behen ne fushata e qe dihet ne fushata ka bllofe te tilla.
A mbase eshte nje manipulim i grekerve per ta perdorur ne shqiperi e greqi per presion te qeverive atje dhe per te mbajtur ne presion opinionin publik.
Apo ai qe drejton shoqaten bene nje loje te tille per te dukur te greket si patriot e ne anen tjeter duke paguar mediat ti bej presion shqiptareve.

Ne shqiperi e botoi gazeta Koha Jone e ca media te tjera.
E aq me teper keto media nxitohen japin komente e nuk japin faktete e nuk venie asnje pikepyetje mbi burimin dhe vertetesine gje qe mediate duhet te bejne.E shpesh mediat ne shqiperi shquhen qe paguen per shkrime te caktuara per efekte te caktuara apo qe thjeshte nje nxitim?
Po kur jep lajmin duhet ta informosh per gjithca publikun e jo vetem jep komentet e tua.

Shume pyetje?


Kurse pronocimi i tij per kosoven qe prononcim i tij direkt.

[Alket123]

Marre nga:

OSCE Human Dimension Implementation Meeting
Warsaw, October 6-17, 2003

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
QËNDRA E STUDIMEVE ETNIKE
CENTRE FOR ETHNIC STUDIES
Dr. Kimet FETAHU
Tirana on 09 June 2002
Tel/Fax: ++355 4 249945



ETHNIC COMMUNITIES IN ALBANIA AND THEIR PROBLEMS


INTRODUCTION:

For a relatively long period of time, the problem of ethnic communities has been a taboo topic in its scope and elements. It has to be pointed out, that the Albanian society is characterised by a multiethnic, multireligious and problematic structure in intercommunitary communication. Undoubtedly, there are particularities that constitute positive values. Consequently, there are also assessed the attempts on the part of the Albanian governments to accept European standards in treating minorities in Albania, such as the ratification by the Parliament of Framework Convention for the Protection of Minorities.
However, it is viewed of much concern, the attempts to leave to ANONYMOUS handling the interrelated problems of the minorities.
It is important to recall the three major pillars of Albanian society in the years 1945 - 1990:
A - Marxist - Leninist philosophy as a ruling and leading practise.
B - Expropriation, the fight against private property and isolated economy.
C - Establishment of a state with no distinctive, religious or ethnic beliefs.

To put it plainly, everything during these decades was oriented against property, political and religious beliefs and ethnic belongings.
Eventhough, ten years hour elapsed since the disruption of such a system, ideological reminiscences and totalitarian practices are still in existence. Therefore, it is presumed that concrete help should be given to the Albanian society, both to majority and minorities, to finalise attempts for real integration into Albanian democratic processes and enhancing possibilities for an effective, interethnic education and cultivation of tolerance and mutual understanding.
Many a time, the minorities view themselves as “attacked” or “custodies” to state policies with the neighbours. They are not directly represented in the Albanian Parliament and remain unprotected for lack of sub - legal acts and Albanian legislation.
The Centre for Ethnic Studies, aims at orienting its work towards evidencing minority problems, studies and recommendations for real solutions in educating tolerance and interethnic understanding in Albania, by means of concrete activities.
The material we present you, is a summary of assumptions drawn by the analysis of the QUESTIONNAIRE, that the Centre for Ethnic Studies realised with all associations of ethnic communities in Albania, from 29th of April up to 20th may, 2002.
In essence, there are 33 questions, which grouped together into 7 headings contain almost the whole sphere of problems and interests of ethnic communities in the Republic of Albania.

I – Ethnic Communities in Albania:

The problem of categorising or status of ethnic communities according to European standards is a significant issue and theme over which there are many discussions and prejudices.
Social-historical developments, as well as the process of state - establishment in the last 100 years in various ways has brought forth interesting experiences in international practise.
The problem of ethnic communities became particularly evident after the 90ies, when the European continent was facing the fury for democracy and freedom. For this reason, in the framework of no less than 5- 6 years, the European community came together several times to decide at various stages, on the basic standards of European states upon human rights and ethnic communities.
So, the European community, assessed and equally recognised the rights provided by the Chart(er) of United Nations for a series of communitarian categories, such as Minorities, ethno-linguistic communities, ethno-cultural communities and religious communities. In relation to this, the associations of ethnic communities offer these responses:

The association of Egyptian community assess themselves as follows:

Ethno - cultural community with a population of around 250 000 inhabitants, not being wholly convinced on the accuracy of the figure declared. For this reason, they are expecting for a population registration and evidencing their ethnic community.
They seek the official acknowledgement of their ethnic community by the Albanian society and are pretty confident on the values and motifs uniting the ethnic Egyptian community in Albania.
In their ethnic community, there are active more than one association and they are not as such convinced whether this is good or negative.
They are financed by the internal sources of the community, and would have wished to be financed in their activities by the Albanian state budget.
They are not pleased by representation of their ethnic community in the Albanian electronic and written media and would have liked their access into Albanian public media.
They assess a bad educational status within their ethnic community and view the improvement of educational perspective into the public education combined with private and summer courses.
The economic status of Egyptian community is really bad, with a low level of migration by members of this community.
They are unsatisfied by the level of representation into the Albanian Administration, in Albanian Parliament and their relations to the political factors in the country.
They assess, that the electoral law and Constitution of the Republic of Albania have to be changed.
They are not satisfied from co-operation either with the foundations or international organisations at home and abroad.

Associations of Rom Community offer these definitions:

They assess themselves as a Minority with a population ranging from 120 000 to 150 000, uncertain about the accuracy of this figure declared. For this, they ask for registration of the population evidencing their ethnic community.
They require the official recognition of their ethnic community by the Albanian society, eventhough, part of them declare to be officially acknowledged; meanwhile, they are convinced on the values and motifs binding the ethnic Rom Community in Albania.
There are more than one association in their ethnic community and they are not as yet convinced whether that is a good or negative thing.
They are financed by the International Community Sources and would have like to be financed by the budget of the Albanian state for their activities.
They are not satisfied from the representation of their ethnic community into the Albanian, electronic and written media and would have wished to have access into the Albanian public media.
They are not taught into their native language and assess a "very bad status of education" within their ethnic community. They view the progress and educational perspective with public education combined with private and summer courses.
The economic state of Rom Community is very bad, and with a low level of migration and emigration by the community members.
They are unsatisfied form the representation - level into the Albanian Administration, Albanian Parliament and into the relations with the political factors of the country.
They assess as "good" the Electoral Law and Constitution of the Republic of Albania.

The Association of Vlach Community assess this survey as follows:

They are not as yet, convinced whether they are an ethno-cultural community or Minority and this in fact, constitutes a problem in its own, so long as the Vlach Community has its own native language. Their population amounts to about 250 000 inhabitants, but they are not convinced on the figures being provided. For this reason, they require the population - census evidencing their ethnic community. They seek the official acknowledgement of their ethnic community by the Albanian society and are convinced in the values and motifs binding the ethnic Vlach Community in Albania. There is more than one association in their ethnic community and they are convinced about it to be a negative thing.
They are financed by the internal community sources and would wish to be financed by the Albanian state budget.
They are not satisfied from the representation of their ethnic community in the electronic and written Albanian media and would like to have their access into public Albanian media.
They are not taught into their own native language, but assess their "good educational status" within their ethnic community and view their future and educational perspective into the public education combined with private and summer courses.
The economic status of Vlach Community ranges “from good to pretty good” with a high level of education of community members.
They are unsatisfied from representation level into State Administration and Albanian Parliament; in the meantime, assess, in a contradictory way, the relations with country ´ s political factors.
They assess as “good” the Electrical Law and the Constitution of the Republic of Albania.
They are contradictory in the assessment of the co-operation with the Foundations as well as the International Organisations at home and abroad.

The Associations of Macedonian Community present these opinions:

They assess themselves as a Minority with a population varying from 120 000 to 150 000 inhabitants, though not so much convinced on the accuracy of the figure given. And presumably, they ask for a population - census, evidencing their ethnic community.
They require for the official recognition of their ethnic community by the Albanian society, even though part of them declare to be officially recognised, similarly, they are fairly convinced on the values and motifs holding together the ethnic Macedonian community in Albania.
There is more than one association, operating into their ethnic community and they are quite convinced that this is a positive fact.
They are financed by internal community sources and would like to be financed by the Albanian state budget into their activities.
They are not so much satisfied from representation of their ethnic community into Albanian electronic and written media and would also wish to have their access into Albanian public media.
They are partially educated into their own native language and assess as “very bad" their educational status within their ethnic community.
They see the progress and perspective into public education combined with private and summer courses.
The economic status is “ from medium to low” with a high level of migration and emigration of the community members.
They are not satisfied from representation level into Albanian Administration, Albanian Parliament or relations to home political factors.
Moreover, they assess, it has to be changed the Electoral Law and Constitution of Republic of Albania.
They are not satisfied from co - operation with foundations as well as foreign organisations at home and abroad by assessing such relations from “bad up to average”.

Association of Greek Community gives the assessments as follows:

They assess themselves as a Minority, but not declaring their population - figure, by not being precisely convinced over it.
They are financed by internal community sources and would like to be financed by the Albanian state budget into their activities.
They are not satisfied from representation of their ethnic community into the Albanian electronic and written media and would also wish to have their access into the Albanian public media.
They assess as “medium” the educational status within their ethnic community and consider the future and educational perspective into public education combined with private and summer courses.
The economic status of Greek Community is “on the average, good” with a medium level of emigration of the community members and low level of migration.
They are not satisfied from the representation level into Albanian Administration, but similarly, assess their representation into the Albanian Parliament.
They assess as “good” the Albanian Constitution, but are seeking changes into the Albanian Electoral Law.
They assess as “good” the cooperation with foundations as well as international organisations at home and abroad.

The Association “Moraca - Rozafa” of ethnic Serbian and Montenegro Minority gives the assessments as follows:

They assess themselves as a Minority, with a population of about 40 000 inhabitants, approximately convinced on the accuracy of the figure given. For this, they require the registration of the population and evidencing their ethnic community. Moreover, they ask for the official recognition of their ethnic community by the Albanian society.
There is only one association within their ethnic community and they are convinced on the motifs of their ethnic organisation.
They are financed by the internal community sources and would like to be financed by the budget of the Albanian state into their activities.
They are not satisfied from the representation of their ethnic community into the Albanian electronic and written media and wish to have their access into the Albanian public media.
They are not taught into their native language and assess as "really bad" the educational status within their ethnic community. They view the improvement and educational prospective within the public education.
The economic status of Serbian and Montenegro Community is "good" on the average, with a medium level of migration and emigration of the community members.
They are not satisfied from the representation - level into the Albanian Administration and Albanian Parliament and assess as "good” the relations to home political factors.
They assume that it has to be changed the Electoral Law and the Constitution of the Republic of Albania.
They are not satisfied from the co-operation with the foundations, but they assess as 'good" the co-operation with international organisations at home and abroad.

II - Ethnic Communities and the Media

Like children are the mirrors of their parents, so does the media reflect the society. It is rather striking, but it is true, that all the ethnic communities represented from associations give the same response: We are "little, if not at all represented" or present in the Albanian media.
In the meantime, all the associations admit that they would have wished the access to the mediatic space, be it written or electronic.
If comments should be added upon these two facts, the first to be stated should be, that the Albanian society is not free from the reminiscences of the past. How could it be possible in a multiethnic society, to preserve the monopoly of information and exclude minorities from their naturally legal rights of having access to publish media such as a public TV? Or maybe, the minority taxpayer does not enjoy the right of information into his own native language by public media that is financed through his/her own money?
Much harder seems the situation with written publications. From the questionnaire, we learn that 10 associations of ethnic communities publish about 11 papers, where most of them are non-periodicals and not financially supported.
It is up to the honour of the Albanian society to support the attempts of ethnic communities to have the community press and media into their native language.
It is to the honour of the Albanian governments to offer to our ethnic communities, opportunities for legal financing in setting up the community mediatic establishments.

III - Ethnic Communities and Education

Even with this item, there are interesting responses. Almost all the associations share the opinion that ethnic communities are taught "little or nothing" into their own native language; With the exemption of "Omonia" and "Prespa" which historically inherited teaching and education into their own native Greek and Macedonian languages.
Likewise, the associations assess the "educational status” of their ethnic communities from "medium to very bad". We have to evidence here as "bad and very bad" the educational situation for the Egyptian and Rom Communities. The years of transition gave a deadly blow to the educational situation within the population of ethnic communities in Albania.
It is a duty for their ethnic community - associations not only to sensibly but also to take up the educational problems within the communities.
The future for solutions of educational problems, is seen mainly by community associations at public schools, by implying state and society commitment into drawing out legal and sub-legal acts adjusting the discipline for solving educational problems within ethnic communities in Albania.
It is also present with the responses the option of summer courses, underlining by this the transition in the area of education up to the final solution of the problem.
Only from two responses, have been considered the opportunities for opening private schools in ethnic communities. Certainly, this might be a possibility, but however, costly to be undertaken.

IV - Ethnic Communities and Economics problems

In this heading through three questions, economic situation, emigration and migration has been generalised the situation and the economic problems of ethnic communities in Albania.
The associations of Greek and Vlach Communities have responded to be under or / from "medium to good" economic situation. Other association account from "a bad to a really bad” economic situation. It seems likely, in addition to heritage, a special effect is observed on this problem by the degree of emigration, as there is a full compliance in between the difficult economic situation and the highly low level of emigration and this is so marked within the Egyptian and Rom Communities.
It is not something new to admit that the Albanian economic situation depends almost on the level of revenues cashed in from emigration. What has to be pointed out, it is the gravely economic situation in the community settlements, in particular.
The government and administrative structures have to be enhanced to provide development strategies for the community areas, which generally are left to abandonment and prejudices.

V - Ethnic Communities and Political - Administrative Structures

Hereabout, there are three questions posed, representation into the state administration, (Municipality and high up), cooperation with administration and relations to political parties.
All the associations responded in a unanimous way to the first question, as "not being represented into the state administration".
Certainly enough, all the items with this one included, show that with this concept of Albanian society on ethnic communities, you might not be expecting appeasing responses. Only two associations responded positively by admitting co-operation with political parties. This is "little”, if not to state "too little". On the other hand, it is much clear that the minority associations lay no trust on the Albanian political factors for settling their problems. All the associations, without exception consider it as necessary a new structure, - "community - based" and into permanent contacts (regulated by law) with the Albanian Administration.

VI - Ethnic Communities and Legislative Structures

There is a series of questions, about 6, which still reaffirm the contoured lines in the previous headings.
Hence, almost all the associations unhesitatingly accept as not "feeling themselves represented" into the Albanian Parliament.
It is one of the most tragical confirmations, as it is meant about 30% of the population that acknowledge no contacts with the Legislation.
This is supported by the negative response to the question whether they are satisfied from Parliamentary Elections of Summer 2001.
The solution is found for all the associations within the same confirmation, that they require direct representation of their ethnic communities into the Albanian Parliament.
They assess the Electoral Law from "average to bad".
The concept seems pretty clear; the representation has to be improved by considering the interests of ethnic communities in Albania. And owing to this, should be established contacts and really frank co-operation with representatives of ethnic communities, a fact that is assessed from representatives of communities as a "bad up to average" cooperation.
Certainly, after these observations and assessments, comes the evaluation of the constitution of Albania with very low marks, ranging from "bad to average and good". In reality this is an interesting question, because with the fundamental law there are several articles, from article 16 up to article 20 where the problem of ethnic minorities is treated, but in the long run, there are wholly lacking the sublegal acts guaranteeing implementation of the Constitution. Furthermore, though with the New Constitution enforced, we still operate with laws deriving from Constitutional Package, which are frequently in contradiction to the new realities.

VII - Ethnic Communities and Co-operation

Here, we have tried to present a panorama of ethnic communities and on how they judge co-operation among themselves with foundations or international organisations.
Most likely, the solidarity sentiment has urged all the associations to give a comfortable reply varying from "average to good" concerning the co-operation between one Minority - association and another.
It is not the same thing with the question regarding the co-operation association - foundation. Almost all have responded negatively, excluding the Greek Community and probably the Vlach Community.
When carefully observed this shows once more the confirmation that the problem of the ethnic communities is left to anonymous treatment, moreover there are devilish and sophisticated hints or actions aiming at the avoidance of contacts and co-operation with non- governmental factors, such as the foundations.
Plainly speaking, the Albanian government is still at the emergency - phase in relation to problems and attempts for civilisation, progress and social emancipation. It is an already - famous and, well - known postulate that the level of a democratic society is proportional to the rights of the ethnic communities in that society.
It is a contradictory - response towards the last question, as regarded the level of co-operation among Minority Associations and international organisations from "bad, average to good". Moreover, it seems to be expressed an aspiration or desire, rather than a reality.
It is quite true, that from the moment the Albanian government ratified the Framework Convention for Minorities Protection, Albania has been under a monitoring process, which has been expressly observed in the seminars of Council of Europe.
The presence of associations from ethnic communities in these activities is not only significant but also an imperative undertaking as well.
It is significant to state that it is needed a monitoring system of problems and ethnic realities in Albania. And it is only we to have it set up, because we are the interested parties and this is our material baseline.

C O N C L U S I O N S!

In total, from analysis of replies in the questionnaire we conclude the following assumptions:
a) In Albania, along with the accepted Greek and Macedonian Minorities, we have the Rom and Serbian - Montenegro Minorities. Likewise, we have the ethno - cultural Egyptians in Albania; in the meantime, within the Vlach Community, there are still discussions on their ethnic status (ethno-cultural community or minority!).
b) The number of population of ethnic communities in Albania, without the statements of figures by Representatives from Greek community, ranges from780 000 - 840 000 inhabitants. By considering it in a reserved way, with such figures expressed and the population of Greek community, we might finally admit the multiethnic character of Albanian society.
c) All the ethnic communities unanimously admit the official recognition of their presence and identity in the Republic of Albania. They are well - organised into associations and organisations and have solid motifs for their identity such as language, culture, colour or location.
d) The Ethnic communities in Albania consider themselves as being represented "little or nothing" into the electronic and written media. They ask for access and space into the public media, meanwhile, their press is weak and without institutional support.
e) Education into the native language within the ethnic communities constitutes a problem over which all the community representatives respond negatively. Native education is lacking within the Rom, Vlach and Serbian - Montenegro communities. The Greek and Macedonian communities are partially or not at all satisfied with the level and status of education in their native tongues. Similarly, the educational status within the ethnic communities is assessed generally from "bad to average level".
f) From "bad to average level" is assessed the economic situation within the ethnic communities in the Republic of Albania having medium and high levels of emigration.
g) Ethnic Communities are not satisfied from the representation - level into the Administration and Albanian Legislative as well as from last Parliamentary Elections. They assess as "bad up to average satisfactory” the Electoral Law and are unsatisfied from the level of co-operation, institutions - ethnic communities, and are for amendments to this law.
h) All the representatives from the ethnic communities in the Republic of Albania require to be directly represented into the Albanian Parliament through the total number of electoral proportional system.
i) Ethnic Communities in the Republic of Albania assess the discussion on the Constitution of the Republic with regard to further amendments.
k) Representatives from ethnic communities in the Republic of Albania ask for the establishment and functioning of an Entity on Minorities attached to Albanian Government.
l) The Financing for ethnic communities in the Republic of Albania is mainly based upon the internal sources of these communities. All the representatives unanimously require the financing of all activities within ethnic communities to be undertaken by the Albanian State.
m) Ethnic Communities are from "average to satisfactorily good" pleased with the level of co-operation among them, in the meantime, they assess from "average to bad" the co-operation with the foundations and from "good to average" the co-operation with the international organisations.

In Conclusion

The rapport presented on the basis of a questionnaire to which the ethnic communities responded upon realistic grounds, shows that how "big and problematic” is the issue of the ethnic communities in Albania.
I assume, that such a presentation contradicts the report by the Albanian Government addressed to the Council of Europe on the situation and rights of Minorities in Albania.
It is significant to stare the reality as it is, and we are not disturbed by the countersayings of the opponents to Stability Association of Albania within the European Community, but we are rather thrilled at the silence of those asking for progress and Europeanisation of the country into Euroatlantic Structures.

[Iliriani]

Ajo qe mund te thuash kur shikon dy faqet e kesaj organizate greke ne SHBA eshte qe autori ka bere nje formulim ne formen e kerkeses qe greket e amerikes tia paraqesin kandidateve per persident te dyve ne kohen kur keta kerkojne voten e ne kete momente ai mendon se qe ata te thone ca permtojne per kerkesat e tyre e ne kete momente te harij te mari sa me shume premtime pasi kanditatet duan votat dhe mund tu besh presion.

Te bem pershtypje qe ne fillim problemet e shtruara jane


TRe: Statement on Issues of Concern to the Greek American Community:

1. Cyprus;
2. Ecumenical Patriarchate;
3. Albania; and
4. Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

Asnje problem qe greket e amerikes kane ne jeten e tyre e asnje problem per greket ne greqi.
Problemet qe ai shtron jane vetem problemet e shteteve te tjera.
Nuk mund te thuash se problemet e grekerve jane keto?

Nuk e di personi qe ka paraqitur kete ca perfaqeson eshe thjeshte nje organizate a institut apo perfaqeson gjithe komunitetin grek.

s/Nick Larigakis
Executive Director
American Hellenic Institute



Pas kerkeses qe ky person i ka bere te dyve me poshte ai shkruan ai vazhdon e sipas kandidateve.

Te Bushi:

If you have any questions or need additional information, please have your staff contact me.

Respectfully,

/s/Nick Larigakis
Nick Larigakis
Executive Director
American Hellenic Institute

Enclosure

###

DRAFT
PREPARED BY THE AMERICAN HELLENIC INSTITUTE AND SENT TO PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH FOR HIS CONSIDERATION OF ISSUING A STATEMENT ON ISSUES OF CONCERN TO THE GREEK AMERICAN COMMUNITY



Te Kerry:

If you have any questions or need additional information, please have your staff contact me.

Sincerely,


/s/Nick Larigakis
Executive Director
American Hellenic Institute

Enclosure



###



DRAFT
STATEMENT BY SENATOR JOHN KERRY ON ISSUES OF CONCERN TO THE GREEK AMERICAN COMMUNITY


Pastaj me poshte cdo gje eshte e njejte..
Dhe te Bushi eshte ajo, pra e njejta leter i njejti shkrim qe pretendohet se eshte pergjigja qe ka dhene Kerry.


Te Kerry shihet qarte qe ne amerike dhe me inoranti kur dergon nje leter e hap ne krye me disa formula miresjelleje qe jane norma publike se si hapet nje leter.
Te Kerry ajo nuk eshte hapur sic haper cdo leter e aq me teper zyrtare ne amerike qe ka dhe daten e numrin e shume te dhena te tjera.
Pra sic eshte me siper.
Aq me teper nuk ka letren origjinale.
Pra eshte jashte cdo kriteri qe normalisht ne amerike perdoret per te paraqitur nje leter dhe aq me teper kur pretendohet per nje pergjigje zyrtare te nje kandidati per president.

Kjo eshte nje analize e shkurter pas krahasimit te dy faqeve qe njera i referohet Bushit e tjetra Kerrit.