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  1. #11
    I Djathtë
    Anëtarësuar
    16-04-2002
    Vendndodhja
    Deutschland
    Postime
    713

    Dhe nje studim tjeter shkencor

    me nje bibliografi te pasur.

    Por ne anglisht!

    Islam and the dervish orders of Albania.
    An introduction to their history,
    development and current situation.


    by

    Robert Elsie




    1. The spread of Islam in Albania

    Before the arrival of the Turks in the Balkan peninsula, the Albanians were all within the sphere of Christianity: Catholicism in the north and Orthodoxy in the south. The exact border between these two Christian faiths varied over the centuries in accordance with the political and military gains or losses of the heirs to the two halves of the Roman Empire. By the end of the fourteenth century, the third great religion of the Balkans had entered the ring, unfolding its banners on the eastern horizon. On 28 June 1389, the Moslem Turks defeated a coalition of Balkan forces under Serbian leadership at Kosovo Polje, the Plain of the Blackbirds, and established themselves as masters of the Balkans. By 1393 they had overrun Shkodra, although the Venetians were soon able to recover the city and its imposing citadel. The conquest of Albania continued into the early years of the fifteenth century. The mountain fortress of Kruja was taken in 1415 and the equally strategic towns of Vlora, Berat and Kanina in southern Albania fell in 1417. By 1431, the Turks had incorporated all of southern Albania into the Ottoman Empire and set up a ‘sanjak’ administration with its capital in Gjirokastra, captured in 1419. Mountainous northern Albania remained in the control of its autonomous tribal leaders, though now under the suzerain power of the Sultan.
    The Turkish conquest did not meet without resistance on the part of the Albanians, notably under Scanderbeg (1405-1468), prince and now Albanian national hero. Scanderbeg successfully repulsed thirteen Ottoman incursions, including three major Ottoman sieges of the citadel of Kruja led by the Sultans themselves (Murad II in 1450, and Mehmet II in 1466 and 1467). He was widely admired in the Christian world for his resistance to the Turks and given the title ‘Atleta Christi’ by Pope Calixtus III (r. 1455-1458). Albanian resistance held out until after Scanderbeg’s death on 17 January 1468 at Lezha (Alessio), but in 1478 the fortress at Kruja was finally taken by Turkish troops. Shkodra capitulated in 1479 and Durrës fell at last in 1501. By the end of the sixteenth century the Ottoman Empire had reached its political zenith and Albania was now firmly encompassed within it. The coming four centuries of Ottoman colonization changed the face of the country radically. The new religion, Islam, had wedged itself between the Catholic north and the Orthodox south of Albania and, with time, was to become the dominant faith of the country.
    During the first decades of Ottoman rule there were few Moslems among the Albanians themselves. In 1577, we know that northern and central Albania were still staunchly Catholic, but by the early decades of the seventeenth century, an estimated thirty to fifty percent of the population of northern Albania had converted to Islam. By 1634, most of Kosovo had already converted, too. Of the inhabitants of the town of Prizren at the time, for instance, there were 12,000 Moslems, 200 Catholics and 600 Orthodox. By the close of the seventeenth century, Moslems began to outnumber Christians pretty well throughout the country. Roman Catholicism and Greek and Serbian Orthodoxy had, after all, been the vehicles of foreign cultures in Albania, propelled by foreign languages. They were religions to which the Albanians, as opposed to their Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek neighbours, had only been superficially converted and with which they could not so easily identify. The mass conversion of the Albanian population to Islam is all the more understandable in view of the heavy poll taxes (haraç) imposed on the rayah, Christian inhabitants of the Empire. In view of this, many Albanians preferred the best of both worlds and became so-called Crypto-Christians, - Catholic in the privacy of their homes, but Moslem in public. Characteristic of the Albanian attitude to matters of religion was the motto: ”Ku është shpata, është feja” (Where the sword is, is religion). Pressure to convert to Islam increased during the Russo-Turkish wars of the eighteenth century, although the situation improved for the Orthodox community temporarily in 1774 with the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarci, according to which Russia became protectress of all Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire. At the dawn of Albanian independence (1912) about two-thirds of the Albanian population were Moslem.
    Up to 1929, the Moslem community was headed by the Grand Mufti of Tirana with a five-member Supreme Council of the Sheriat. Later, a General Council was established with the chief of the community and four grand muftis, representing Shkodra, Tirana, Korça and Gjirokastra. Organized Sunni Islam was somewhat weakened in the 1930s when King Zog (1895-1961) severed all official ties with Moslems outside the country. Nonetheless, according to Italian statistics from the year 1942, of the total population of Albania of 1,128,143, there were 779,417 (69%) Moslems including the Bektashi, 232,320 (21%) Orthodox and 116,259 (10%) Catholics. As such, one can estimate today that approximately 70% of Albanians in the Republic of Albania and about 80% of all Albanians in the Balkans are of Moslem background. The most devout of these Moslems are no doubt the Albanians of Western Macedonia (the region of Tetovo and Gostivar), where more elements of traditional culture have been preserved and maintained than in Albania itself.
    There were 1,127 mosques, 1,306 imams and muftis and 17 Islamic primary schools in Albania itself at the end of the Second World War. From 1945 onwards, the Moslem community, divided as it was into four districts with a Grand Mufti for each, came increasingly under the control of the state, in particular by virtue of the law of 26 November 1949. This regulation required all the religious communities to instil in their members a feeling of loyalty towards the communist regime. The head of the Moslem community also had to be approved of by the government Council of Ministers. Some Moslem leaders, such as the Mufti of Shkodra and the Mufti of Durrës, Mustafa Efendi Varoshi, refused to co-operate with the communist leaders and were liquidated. Others were imprisoned. An estimated 1,050 of the mosques in Albania survived unscathed up to 1967, but then, in an unprecedented act of extremism, Islam and all other religions were simply banned by the communist authorities.
    The wilful destruction of Islamic culture in Albania became all the more severe during the late sixties and early seventies, when almost all the mosques in the country, including some which had just been restored and were of inestimable cultural value, were demolished or transformed for other use. A very few buildings were simply locked up and thus survived the cultural carnage in a more or less recognizable form, among which the Mirahor Mosque of Korça (1495), the Sultan Mosque (1492) and the Lead Mosque (1553-1554) of Berat, the Murad Mosque of Vlora (1537-1542), the Naziresha Mosque of Elbasan (pre-1599), the Lead Mosque of Shkodra (1773-1774) and Et’hem Bey Mosque in Tirana (1793-1794). Islam had ceased to exist in Albania, at least in public life.
    The public practice of religion was first authorized again in December 1990 and the few remaining mosques, after twenty-four years of closure, began to reopen from January to mid-March 1991. It was also in this period that the first public celebration of Ramadan was held. The re-established Sunni Moslem community is now headed by Hafiz Sabri Koçi, who spent twenty-one years of his life in prison and hard labour. Islamic groups from abroad, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Abu Dhabi and Egypt etc, have been active in reviving Islam in Albania and in providing desperately needed humanitarian assistance to the impoverished country. Virtually all towns and villages with a Moslem population now have a mosque or a modest Islamic community centre.


    2. The arrival and presence of the dervish orders

    The mediaeval movement of Islamic mysticism, known as Sufism, gave rise to a number of dervish orders or tarikat, Arabic ‘paths,’ in the Shi’ite tradition. Many of these sects and sub-sects penetrated into Albania and Kosovo during the five centuries of Ottoman rule. Their centres or monasteries were known as tekkes, Alb. teqe. The two most important dervish orders to have found a home in Albania were the Bektashi and the Halveti. These were followed by the Rifa’i, the Sa’di, the Kadiri and to a lesser degree by the Tidjani. We also have some information on the presence on Albanian soil, most often in Kosovo, of the Djelveti, the Sinani, the Bayrami, the Mevlevi, the Melami, the Nakshbandi, the Badavi, the Jezevi, the Shahzeli and the Desuki. Each of the tarikat had its own particular origin, but the spiritual differences between them in Albania were often minimal, matters of detail and specific rites. As such, there was no open rivalry between the orders, in Albania at least, and members of one order were traditionally wont to visit the ceremonies of others. Most of the major dervish orders referred to above survived in Albania up to the Second World War. Their history has been superbly documented in recent years by the work of French scholars Alexandre Popovic, Nathalie Clayer and Gilles Veinstein.
    With the arrival of the communists to power in 1944, the orders, the Bektashi at least, were initially given the status of an independent religious community and then gradually liquidated. The smaller orders had virtually disappeared by 1950, whereas the Bektashi survived, at least nominally, until 1967, when religion was banned in Albania entirely. Since the removal of the ban on religious activity in December 1990, the Bektashi have managed to return to life, and some of the other tarikat have begun to show signs of revival, too.


    3. The Bektashi order

    The Bektashi order is said to have been founded in Anatolia by Haji Bektash Veli (Turk. Haci Bektas Veli) who lived in the thirteenth century. With the expansion of the Ottoman Empire, it spread from central Anatolia notably to the Balkans, Greece, Crete and elsewhere, where the Bektashi served as missionaries of Islam and chaplains to the janissaries.
    Little is known of the early history of the Bektashi in Albania though it can be assumed that they were well established by the late sixteenth to mid-seventeenth century. The Bektashi themselves trace their entry into Albania to the famous legendary figure Sari Salltëk. Turkish traveller Evliya Çelebi, who visited southern Albania in the summer of 1670, noted a Bektashi tekke in Kanina near Vlora, describing the site as follows:
    ”There is also a tekke of Haji Bektash Veli here, which was also endowed by Sinan Pasha. This tekke is famous throughout Turkey, Arabia and Persia. Here one finds many devotees of the mystical sciences and the dervish life of poverty. Among them are handsome young boys. Visitors and pilgrims are fed copious meals from the kitchen and pantry of the tekke because all the surrounding mountains, vineyards and gardens belong to it. Near the tekke, the benefactor of the endowment, Ghazi Sinan Pasha, lies buried along with all his household and retainers in a mausoleum with a lofty dome - may God have mercy on their souls. In short, it is a rich and famous tekke, beyond my powers to describe” (Seyahatname VIII, 361a).
    The mausoleum referred to by Evliya, now since disappeared, was still subject of veneration during the visit of Austrian consul Johann Georg von Hahn (1811-1869) in the mid-nineteenth century. Hahn reports: ”[The owners of the fortress] are descendants of the first Turkish conqueror of this region, the famous Sinan Pasha of Konya, whose grave can be seen in a small tekke at the base of the castle. People come here on pilgrimage from far off, as the Turks consider Sinan to be a saint.” The Bektashi tekke of Kanina was conferred upon the Halveti order when the Porte ordered the closure of all Bektashi tekkes in 1826.
    Among other early Bektashi monasteries was the tekke in Tetovo (Macedonia), founded at the end of the sixteenth century. According to legend, Sersem Ali Dede, a vizier under Sultan Suleyman (1520-1566), saw Bâlim Sultân, second pîr of the Bektashi order, in a dream and abandoned his post as vizier to become a dervish in the village of Haci Bektas, where the Bektashi movement arose. Before his death in 1569, he ordered that all his possession be sold and that the money go to purchasing land for a monastery in Tetovo. The monastery was constructed accordingly by one Harâbâtî (Harabti) Baba, after whom the tekke is named. This tekke was expanded in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to include a whole complex of buildings and a beautiful garden, which still exist today as a hotel complex. From the early eighteenth century onwards, the tekke in Tetovo served as the mother house (âsitâne) for many other tekkes in Kosovo and Macedonia.
    In 1780 followed the building of a Bektashi tekke in Gjirokastra under Asim Baba. This tekke laid the foundations for the Bektashi movement in Albania itself and was of particular significance in the late nineteenth century. The Albanians were especially receptive to certain features of Bektashism, namely its traditional tolerance and regard for different religions, and the related open-minded attitude to practices and belief. Indeed some see Christian and pre-Christian practices continuing under the liberal umbrella of Bektashism. Furthermore, Bektashis were receptive to local concerns and language, in contrast to Sunni Islam, which was linked to the Ottoman capital and the Arabic language. Much of southern Albania and Epirus converted to Bektashism initially, however, due to the influence of Ali Pasha Tepelena (1759-1822), the awesome Lion of Janina, who was himself a follower of the order. The order suffered a setback in Albania in 1826 when Sultan Mahmud II suppressed the janissary corp and ordered the closure of all Bektashi tekkes in the Ottoman Empire. The Bektashi were, nonetheless, prominent once again during the years of the Albanian nationalist movement (Alb. Rilindja) in the late nineteenth century and it is this link, no doubt, which gave rise their surprising popularity. Such was the level of conversion to Bektashism that it grew into a religious community of its own and became the fourth religion of Albania.
    It is estimated that at the beginning of the twentieth century, 15% of the population of Albanian were Bektashi, equivalent to one-quarter of all Moslems in the country. Their monasteries served as centres for the nationalist movement, in particular for the underground propagation of Albanian-language books and education. Despite this, the order did not succeed in becoming the Albanian national religion, as many Bektashi intellectuals had hoped. One reason for this was their disproportionate concentration in the south of the country (70% of all Bektashi tekkes were to be found south of Berat and only 3% in the north). In addition, Bektashism suffered a major setback with the revolt of many Moslems demanding the country’s return to the Ottoman Empire and, in particular, with the burning and looting of the Albanian tekkes by Greek extremists during the Balkan War and World War I. At that time, about 80% of the tekkes were damaged or destroyed completely, an immeasurable cultural loss from which this Islamic culture never really recovered. Nonetheless, during their first national congress, held in Prishta in Skrapar in January 1922, the Bektashi declared themselves autonomous of the Turkish Bektashi, and after the ban on all dervish orders in Turkey in the autumn of 1925, it was to Tirana that the Turkish Bektashi transferred their world headquarters. In Albania they set up a recognized and independent religious community which existed there until 1967. It was divided into six districts: Kruja with its centre at the tekke of Fushë Kruja, Elbasan with its headquarters at the tekke of Krasta, Korça with its headquarters at the tekke of Melçan, Gjirokastra with its headquarters at the tekke of Asim Baba, Prishta representing Berat and part of Përmet, and Vlora with its headquarters at the tekke of Frashër. In 1928, Albanian publicist Teki Selenica recorded the presence of sixty-five babas, meaning theoretically that there were at least sixty-five tekkes in Albania. There were also about a dozen Bektashi tekkes in Kosovo. By the mid-1940s there were an estimated 280 babas and dervishes in Albania, and in the 1960s we know there were still about fifty Bektashi tekkes in the country and about eighty dervishes, fifteen in Fushë Kruja alone. By 1993, however, after the collapse of the dictatorship, there were only five babas and one dervish left alive, and only six tekkes were left standing in any recognizable state.
    The Bektashi community, like the other religious communities in Albania, was persecuted by the communist authorities from the start and many of its rulers soon found their deaths. Baba Murteza of Kruja died in 1946 after being tortured and thrown from a prison window. Baba Kamil Glava of Tepelena was executed in 1946 in Gjirokastra and writer Baba Ali Tomori and Baba Shefket Koshtani of Tepelena were executed the following year. American anthropologist Frances Trix has published a more or less complete list of Bektashi babas who suffered during the early years of communist rule (Trix 1995, p. 546-547).
    In 1967 the Bektashi community was dissolved entirely when a communist government edict banned all religious activity in Albania. During the dictatorship there were only two Albanian tekkes which strove to carry on the tradition: one in Gjakova (Serbocr. Djakovica) in Kosovo under the direction of Baba Qazim, who died in the late 1980s, and the other in Taylor, near Detroit (Michigan USA), founded in 1954 and long under the direction of the eminent Baba Rexhebi (1901-1995) and now led by Baba Flamur.
    On 27 January 1991, after almost a quarter of a century of silence in Albania, a provisional committee for the revival of the Bektashi community was founded in Tirana. Since that time, the new community, under Baba Reshat Bardhi (b. 1935), has been active in reviving Bektashi traditions there. The tekke and, at the same time, world headquarters in Tirana was reopened on 22 March 1991 on the occasion of Nevruz, and the sixth Bektashi national congress was held in July 1993. There are now six functioning Bektashi tekkes in Albania: Turan (Korça) under Baba Edmond Ibrahimi, Gjirokastra under Baba Haxhi, Elbasan under Baba Sadik Ibro (b. 1972), Fushë Kruja under the learned Baba Selim Kaliçani (b. 1922), Tomorica under Baba Shaban, and Martanesh under Baba Halil Curri. Others are in the process of establishment: Berat, Shëmbërdhenj (Librazhd), Bllaca and Vlora, where the mausoleum of Kusum Baba was reopened in April 1998 at an inspiring site overlooking the city. Outside of Albania proper, there are currently Bektashi tekkes in Gjakova under Baba Mimin and in Tetovo under Baba Tahiri.
    The Bektashi religious order has a hierarchical structure as well as specific beliefs, rites and practices. The main categories in the hierarchy of this faith are the following. The ashik, Turkish aþýk literally ‘lover,’ is the simple Bektashi believer or faithful who has not been initiated in any way. He is often an individual who has been drawn to a particular baba and has become devoted to him. The muhib, also meaning ‘one who loves, sympathizer,’ is a spiritual member of the Bektashi community, i.e. an individual who has received some initiation involving a ritual purification and a profession of faith, in the course of a ceremony held at a tekke. After a trial period, a muhib can become a varf ‘dervish.’ The dervish receives a white headdress called a taj, Alb. taxh from Turkish tac, as well as other garments, lives full-time at a tekke, and is in a sense the equivalent of a Christian monk. The myxher, from Turkish mücerred ‘person tried by experience,’ is the member of a special category of dervishes, that of the celibate dervishes, who wear a ring in their right ear. There has been much controversy in the history of modern Bektashism about adherence to celibacy. The baba, Alb. atë ‘father,’ is a spiritual master, equivalent to a sheikh in other dervish orders. Each tekke is normally headed by a baba. The gjysh, literally ‘grandfather,’ and equivalent to Turkish dede or halife, is the superior of the babas and is responsible for all the tekkes in a certain region. The gjysh has passed through the final level of ceremony and wears his white taj with a green cloth band wrapped around it. Finally, the kryegjysh ‘head grandfather,’ known in Turkish as dede baba, is leader of the Bektashi order as a whole, chosen from among all the gjysh.
    As in Sufism in general, emphasis in Bektashism is on inner meaning rather than the following of outer convention. Bektashi practices and rites are thus characterized, as mentioned above, by a certain degree of liberality. Sunni religious leaders have often been scandalized at the indifference which the Bektashi often seem to show towards some of the tenants of mainstream Islam. The Bektashi pray only twice a day and not obligatorily in the direction of Mecca, in contrast to Sunni Moslems who pray five times a day. Bektashi prayers do not necessarily involve prostration. As with other Moslem, most Bektashi refuse to eat pork, but they will also not touch turtles, dogs, snakes and, most abhorrent of all, hares. Some Bektashis drink alcohol and indeed in some Albanian tekkes they make their own raki. Their women participate on an equally footing with the men in ceremonies and gatherings, something which again scandalizes some mainstream Moslems and in the past led to wild speculation and rumours about the goings-on in Bektashi tekkes. The Bektashi are not expected to fast during Ramadan, but they do fast or at least abstain from drinking during matem, the first ten days of the month of Muharrem during which the suffering and death of Imam Husein is commemorated. Indeed during matem, they will drink only bitter yoghurt and lentil soup. After matem follows the feast of ashura during which a dish is eaten made of cracked wheat, dried fruit, crushed nuts and cinnamon all cooked together. Nevruz, the Persian new year and birthday of the Prophet Ali, is also commemorated by the Albanian Bektashi.
    Bektashism has a long history which has absorbed influences from various sources. Among the earliest components of Bektashi doctrines and beliefs are Turkmen heterodoxy, the ascetic Kalenderi (Qalandari) movement of the 13th-14th centuries inspired by Persian and Indian mysticism, otherwordly Sufic Melametism (Malamatiyya), the Futuwwa order in the Middle East, and the gnostic and cabbalistic doctrines of Persian hurufism. It subsequently evolved in close contact with Shi’ite and Alevite Islam and, in the Balkans at least, took on many Christian elements.
    As to their pantheistic core beliefs, about which the Bektashi can be rather secretive, they believe in Allah, in Mohammed and in the Prophet Ali, to whom a special position is accorded. Indeed, Ali, his wife Fatima and their two sons Hasan and Husein are the central figures of Bektashi and Shi’ite beliefs. Many Bektashi homes have pictures of Ali, considered the manifestation of God on earth. He is invoked on a variety of occasions by believers with a ”ya, Ali!” or ”Muhammed-Ali!” The figures of Allah, Mohammed and Ali have come to constitute a sort of Bektashi trinity. The Bektashi, like other Shi’ites, revere the twelve imams, among whom Ali in particular of course, and consider themselves descendents of the sixth imam, Jafer Sadik. Naturally, they also revere Haji Bektash as founder of the order. As to ethics, the Bektashi adhere to the Turkish formula ”eline, diline, beline sahip ol (Be master of your hands, your tongue and your loins)” used during initiation ceremonies. Essentially, this means not to steal, not to lie or talk idly, and not to commit adultery.
    A major source of information on Albanian Bektashi beliefs comes from the work Fletore e Bektashinjet, Bucharest 1896 (Bektashi notebook), written by one of the best known writers in Albanian literature, Naim bey Frashëri (1846-1900). Frashëri, who was author of religious, nationalist and didactic works with an exceptional impact on the Albanian national awakening in the late nineteenth century, had hoped that the liberal Bektashi beliefs to which he had been attached since his childhood in the village of Frashër would one day take hold as the new religion for all of Albania. Since they had their roots both in the Moslem Koran and in the Christian Bible, the Bektashi could promote unity among their religiously divided people. Naim Frashëri supported the confessional independence of the Albanian Bektashi movement from the central pîr evi in the village of Haci Bektas Köy in Anatolia and proposed an Albanian baba or dede as its leader. He also introduced Albanian terms, which replaced the Turkish ones previously used by the Albanian Bektashi: Alb. atë ‘father’ for Turkish baba, and Alb. gjysh ‘grandfather’ for Turkish dede, to give his Bektashi religion a national character and unite all Albanians. The Notebook contains an introductory profession of Bektashi faith and ten spiritual poems which provide a rare view into the beliefs of the order. It begins as follows:
    The Bektashi believe in God the great and truthful, Mohammed Ali, Hadije, Fatima, Hasan and Husein. In the twelve imams who are: Ali, Hasan, Husein, Zein-al-Abidin, Mohammed Bakir, Jafer Sadik, Musa Kazim, Ali Riza, Mohammed Teki, Ali Neki, Hasan Askeri, Mohammed Mehdi. They all have Ali as their father and Fatima as their mother. They also believe in all the blessed of the past and of the future. For they believe in goodness and worship it. And just as they believe in and love them, so do they believe in Moses, Mary and Jesus and their disciples. As a founder they have Jafer Sadik and as their superior Haji Bektash Veli who is of the same family. All these have said: ”Do good and abstain from evil.” The Bektashi hold faith to these words. Truth and righteousness, intelligence and wisdom and all goodness reign on this road. The faith of the Bektashi is a wide road illuminated by wisdom, brotherhood, friendship, love, humanity and all goodness. On the one side of it are the flowers of knowledge, on the other side are those of truth. Without knowledge and truth and without brotherhood, no man can become a true Bektashi. For the Bektashi, the universe is God himself.
    Despite such pantheism and universality, Naim Frashëri’s Bektashi beliefs have a decidedly nationalist flavour:
    ”The Bektashi are brothers and one soul, not only among one another but to all mankind. They love other Moslems and Christians as their own soul and behave kindly and gently with all mankind. But most of all they love their motherland and their fellow countrymen, for this is the best of all things... May they strive day and night for that nation which calls them father and which swears by them. May they work together with the foremost citizens and with the elders for the salvation of Albania and the Albanians, for knowledge and culture for the nation and its fatherland, for their own language and for all progress and well-being.”


    4. The Halveti order

    The Halveti movement arose among Turkish, Kurdish and Iranian sufis some time after the fourteenth century, founded according to legend by Ömer Halveti of Tabriz (d. 1397). The order spread rapidly from the Caucasus to Egypt and Anatolia and from there into the Balkans. In Albania, the Halveti order was second only to the Bektashi. It is estimated to have had several thousand adepts at the beginning of the twentieth century, centred in about twenty sites throughout the country. The Halveti themselves, who were prone to asceticism and retreats, gave rise to a number of sub-groupings, many of which were present in Albania: the Symbyli, the Gylçeni, the Karabashi, the Hayati and the Akbashi, the latter two being exclusively Balkan.
    The oldest Albanian Halveti tekke is that of Sheikh Hashim in Janina (now northern Greece), which was founded in 1390 by Ghazi Evrenos under the authorization of Sultan Bayezid I (r. 1389-1403). This tekke continued to function up to 1943. There was also a Halveti tekke founded in Vlora in 1490 by Imrahor Ilyas Bey, horse master of Sultan Bayezid II (r. 1481-1512). The Halveti order spread through southern Albania in the first half of the sixteenth century. Of significance were the tekke of Ohrid (1600) and the tekke of Tirana, said to have been founded in 1605 by Sheikh Ali Pazari (1581-1615), who was originally from Serres in northern Greece and later settled in Shkodra. Turkish traveller Evliya Çelebi, who visited Albania in the summer of 1670, noted the presence of the Halveti in Gjirokastra ”Around the courtyard (of the Tekke Mosque) are the cells of a Halveti tekke and on one side are the graves of many saints and notables” (Seyahatname, VIII, 354b). In Berat he visited the two-storey Halveti tekke of Sheikh Hasan in the courtyard of the Sultan Mosque (Xhamia e Mbretit). In Vlora he mentions the Halveti tekke of Yakub Efendi ”with hundreds of devout dervishes, barefooted and bareheaded, with patched woollen cloaks.” In Elbasan, Evliya Çelebi also visited the Halveti tekke of Sinan Pasha inside the mighty fortress, noting that it had numerous dervishes and endowments and was unmatched anywhere else. With time, Vlora, Berat and Delvina became Halveti centres in themselves and in the eighteenth century, the order spread from Albania to Kosovo and Macedonia. Halveti tekkes were founded in Ohrid in 1667 and in Prizren in 1699-1700, the latter by Osman Baba of Serres. From there, the movement extended westwards back into Albania proper. Frederick William Hasluck (1878-1920) refers to Halveti pilgrimage sites in Nanga in Luma (Kukës), where Sheikh Hasan was the object of veneration, and in Vrepska (Erseka). Of the many other Halveti tekkes known to have existed in Albania, mention may be made of those in: Fshat (Kukës), Surroj (Kukës), Mat, Peshkopia, Shkodra, Tirana (the tekke of Sheikh Suleyman dating from ca. 1705), Elbasan (three tekkes from the late seventeenth century, of which two still existed before the First World War), Berat (the above-mentioned tekke of Sheikh Hasan at the Sultan Mosque, the present building of which was constructed by Kurd Ahmed Pasha in 1785, and the tekke of Sheikh Musa Efendi at Kara Kasim), Bilisht (two or three tekkes dependent on Ohrid), Progër (Devoll), Shëngjergj between Bilisht and Pogradec, Korça (a tekke founded at the end of the fifteenth century), Leskovik (a tekke founded in 1796-1797, but which burnt down in the early years of the twentieth century), Përmet, Tepelena, Luzat (Tepelena), Mezhgoran (Tepelena), Ramica (Vlora), Vinokash (Përmet), Tosk-Martalloz (Tepelena), Maricaj (Tepelena), Gjirokastra, Delvina and Saranda. The two latter tekkes were destroyed in the 1950s.
    The Halveti order was re-established in Albania in 1990 and is presently led by Sheikh Muamer Pazari (b. 1929) of Tirana, where a tekke was opened in 1992. In 1998 there were a total of 42 Halveti tekkes in Albania, most of which in the south, but also in Tropoja, Burrel and Peshkopia.
    There were twenty-five Halveti tekkes in Kosovo and Macedonia in 1938-1939 and about ten in the early 1980s, among which in Prizren, Gjakova (two tekkes) and Rahovec (Serbocr. Orahovac). Indeed, in Kosovo, the Halveti order was the most widespread of all dervish orders and was divided into a number of subgroupings: Hayati, Karabashi, and Djerrahi.


    5. The Rifa’i order

    The Rifa’i, or Rufa’i order first evolved in Iraq towards the end of the twelfth century following the teachings of the jurist Sheikh Ahmad ibn ‘Ali al-Rifâ’i (1106-1182). The movement then spread to Syria, Egypt and Turkey and gave rise to a number of sub-orders, among which the Badavi, the Desuki and the Shahzeli. The Rifa’i, often referred to as the ‘howling dervishes,’ are known in the Balkans for their rather violent practices of ritual mortification, including the piercing of lips and cheeks with needles, the eating of glass and the burning of skin. Such ceremonies are still carried out in Prizren. Little is known of how and when the Rifa’i spread to the Balkans and of their early history in Albania. Many of their centres, among which were Peqin (with a tekke founded by a certain Baba Hasan in 1701 [1113 AH]), Tirana, Shkodra and Gjirokastra, were abandoned or taken over by the Bektashi by the early years of the twentieth century. Despite stagnation elsewhere, a Rifa’i centre was founded and flourished in Gjakova in Kosovo at the end of the nineteenth century, giving rise to a second wave of Rifa’i tekkes throughout Kosovo, Macedonia and Albania. We know of the presence of second-wave Rifa’i centres in: Shkodra, where the holy Mehmet Efendi was venerated in a tekke at the foot of the citadel and where a new Rifa’i community was formed in the 1930s, Tropoja, Tirana, Petrela with a tekke dating from before 1907, Gjirokastra, and Berat where the tekke of Sheikh Riza, also known simply as Teqeja e Rufaive (Rufa’i Tekke), founded after 1785, was situated to the west of the Murad Çelepia quarter. In the early 1980s, there were still Rifa’i tekkes in Skopje, Gjakova, Prizren, Rahovec, Peja and Mitrovica. The Rifa’i community was re-established in Albania in the late 1990s under Sheikh Xhemal Reka of Tirana where a tekke was opened in 1998. The Rifa’i in Tirana hold a zikr every Thursday evening and have a modest publication entitled Dashuria e Ehli-Bejtit.


    6. The Sa’di order

    Albanian publicist Eqrem bey Vlora (1885-1964) called the Sa’di order the fourth most important dervish order in Albania, after the Bektashi, the Halveti and the Rifa’i. This order was founded in the fourteenth century by Sadeddin Djibawi of Djiba near Damascus, originally as a branch of the Rifa’i order. From there it spread to the Lebanon, Egypt, Libya, Irak, Turkey and the Balkans (Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). Although little is known as yet of its history and development in Albania, it is apparent that the Sa’di reached southern Albania in the early seventeenth century and northern Albania in the early eighteenth century. We know that there was a Sa’di tekke in Gjakova in 1600. They were present in the country at any rate both during the Ottoman period and thereafter. The Albanian Sa’di were quite close to the Bektashi, both in their rites and customs and in their legendry. It was Sa’di dervishes who looked after the mausoleum of Demir Han in Tepelena and the tomb of Bektashi saint Sari Salltëk on the top of Mount Pashtrik near Gjakova. Ali Pasha Tepelena, who founded a Sa’di tekke near the Edirne Gate in Istanbul in 1777-1778, also appears to have been connected to this order somehow. Ottoman archives mention a Sa’di Tekke of Ali Pasha Tepelena as well as a Sa’di Tekke of Ibrahim Pasha, both of which seem to have survived in Tepelena, the presence of two Sa’di tekkes being documented there in the nineteenth century. Aside from Tepelena, there are also references to the presence of the Sa’di order in Leskovik, Gjirokastra, Elbasan, Tropoja and Peza. In the 1980s, there were still about ten Sa’di tekkes in Kosovo.


    7. The Tidjani order

    The Tidjani order was founded in the eighteenth century by Ahmad al-Tijâni (1782-1815) of Tlemcen in Algeria. It spread initially through north Africa and from there to sub-Saharan Africa, Egypt, the Sudan, the Middle East and Turkey. We do not know when the Tidjani order, Alb. Tixhani, arrived in Albania, or what exactly their doctrines and customs were. They do not seem to have had any tekkes in the country. The little Tidjani movement is associated primarily with the town of Shkodra, where the order was led by one Sheikh Haxhi Shaban Efendi. He was succeeded in 1910 by Sheikh Qazim Hoxha (b. 1895), also called Qazim Efendi, who was professor at the medrese in Tirana, founder of the Drita Hyjnore (Divine Light) organization and, in 1942, vice-president of the ‘Council of Albanian Ulemas.’


    8. Minor dervish orders among the Albanians

    There were a number of minor tarikat present, at least sporadically, among the Albanians, to which reference can must also be made, at least in passing. Their influence was of course much less profound than that of the above-mentioned orders.
    The Sinani order was originally a branch of the Halveti order and was founded by Ibrahim Ümmi Sinan (d. ca. 1551-1552 [958 AH]). It spread from Istanbul, where there were three Sinani tekkes, to the Balkans (Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). In Albania, their presence is attested in Shkodra during the Ottoman occupation and in Çorogjaf (Berat). There were also Sinani tekkes in Skopje and Tetovo. Alexandre Popovic visited two Sinani tekkes in Prizren in the early 1980s, of which one was still functioning. The Mevlevi order, known popularly as the Whirling Dervishes, took its name from its founder, the great Persian mystic poet Jalâl al-dîn Rûmi (1207-1273), called Mevlana ‘our master.’ Its centre was in Konya in central Anatolia where Mevlevi traditions are still strong. The Mevlevi were popular with the Seljuk aristocrats and, as such, they spread quickly throughout the Ottoman Empire, both to the Middle East and later into the Balkans. Despite the popularity of their sema, mystical dance, and other rites, the Mevlevi were not widespread in Albania itself. There is evidence of one Mevlevi tekke in Elbasan, but the last clear mention of the order in Albania was in 1907. Publicist Teki Selenica also refers to them briefly in his survey of the orders in the late 1920. Outside of Albania proper, there were Mevlevi tekkes in Skopje and Peja before the Second World War. The Melami order, which according to Italian writer Enrico Insabato was secretive, is unusual because it arose comparatively late and because it evolved in the Balkans. It grew in Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania in the second half of the nineteenth century under the influence of the noted Egyptian sheikh Muhammed Nûr al-Arabî (d. 1887), known as Arap Hoxha, who had settled in Skopje. Information on the Melami in Albania itself is scarce and the order does not seem to have been widespread there. Haxhi Qamili of Sharra, southwest of Tirana, leader of a pro-Ottoman peasant revolt in Albania in 1914-1915, is said to have been the sheikh of a Melami tekke, though we do not know of which one. The movement was much more prolific in Macedonia and Kosovo. In the early 1980s, there were still four or five Melami tekkes in Kosovo, among which in Prizren and Rahovec. Among prominent adepts of the Melami order were Albanian scholar and writer Hilmi Abdyl Maliqi (1856-1928) of Rahovec and Albanian mystic poet Haxhi Ymer Lutfi Paçarizi (1871-1929) from Prizren. The Naqshbandi order, Alb. Nakshbandi, was founded no doubt by Muhammed Bahâ’ al-dîn al-Naqshabandi (d. 1389 [791 AH]) of Bukhara. It spread among the Turks of Central Asia in the fourteenth century and continued from there to India on the one hand and to Syria and Turkey on the other. The order first appeared in the Balkans under one Mullah Abdullah Ilahi (d. 1490-1491). Though not widespread in Albania itself, it had a tekke in Prizren and others in the mountains along the Albanian border. In 1916, we know of Naqshbandi tekkes in Macedonia in Tetovo, Dibra (Debar), Ohrid and Struga. In Kosovo in the early 1980s, there was still one Naqshbandi tekke in Gjakova. The Naqshbandi were exceptionally prominent in Bosnia and Hercegovina and came to constitute the principal dervish order there. Missionaries of the Ahmadi order were active in Albania before the Second World War. From 1936 to ca. 1939, they published a periodical called Drita ‘The light,’ which was a monthly supplement of the periodical The light of Lahore. In October 1939, two Albanian students studying at the al-Azhar University of Cairo were expelled for membership in the Ahmadi order. The Bayrami order was founded in Ankara by Haji Bayram Veli (d. 1429). The presence of the order in Albania can be inferred by the existence of a ‘Haji Bayram Mosque’ in Shkodra. Little else is known about the movement. The Djelveti order is one of the three branches which evolved out of the Bayrami order. It was founded by Sheikh Uftâde (1494-1580) and spread under his successor, Mahmûd Hudâ’î (1543-1628). Orientalist Franz Babinger (1891-1967) claims to have noticed the ruins of a Djelveti tekke in Berat during his visit there in 1928-1929. Finally, the Shahzeli order, Alb. Shazeli, also known as Shadhili, derives its name from Abû l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Shâdhili (1196-1258), a holy man from Morocco. The order spread from north Africa to Egypt. Though not recorded in Albania itself, there is, or at least was one Shahzeli tekke in Gjakova.


    9. Current situation

    With regard to the current situation of Islam and the dervish orders among the Albanians, as the twentieth century draws to a close, one can note the following elements. Religious freedom has been guaranteed and maintained in Albania since the end of the communist dictatorship and the abrogation in December 1990 of the law banning the public practice of religion. As such, religious communities, Moslem, Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant, Baha’i and others, have been free to act and have established or re-established their institutions and structures in the country. Islam exists in Albania once again not only as an individual faith but also in the form of an organized religious community. Religious groups from the Arab world, Turkey and Iran, though slower to arrive than the Christian missionaries, have done the bulk of the work in re-establishing this faith in Albania. As mentioned above, most towns and villages in Albania now once again have mosques or Islamic community centres, financed for the most part by Islamic organizations in the Middle East. In early December 1992, Albania joined the Organization of the Islamic Conference, a move which was widely criticized in the country at the time, even among Moslems. The Albanians were reticent to jeopardize their country’s Western orientation and new ties with the rest of Europe for the sake of religious tradition. Nonetheless, Albania is a predominantly Islamic country, if only nominally, and will remain so in the future. There is therefore no rational reason for the Albanians not to seek the best of both worlds, i.e. to strengthen their much needed ties with the West but also to foster their Islamic traditions.
    The opening of Albania also resulted in the return of Bektashism and, to a lesser extent, of other dervish orders which had once played a role in the country’s religious and cultural life. The Halveti, with a total of 42 Halveti tekkes, have also made their presence felt, in particular in the south of the country, and the Rifa’i have recently opened a new centre in Tirana, where a zikr is held twice a week. With little financial support from abroad, it has, however, been much more difficult for the Bektashi and the other orders to re-establish themselves than it has for mainstream Islam. In addition to this, after a break of thirty years, there are very few dervishes left over to carry on the tradition and, indeed, very few Albanians who know or remember anything of the spiritual directions of the tarikats.
    Despite the new freedoms, there would still seem to be more interest in the revival of Islam among foreign missionaries and groups than there is among the Albanians themselves. As opposed to their Greek and Serbian neighbours, the Albanians have never had a ‘national’ religion, with which they could identify as a people. For the last century and a half, national, i.e. ethnic identity has predominated conspicuously over religious identity and this situation is unlikely to change in the coming years, given that Albania is a small and struggling nation surrounded by hostile neighbours. Organized religion still only plays a very marginal role in public life in Albania. The Albanians have indeed on occasion been described as tenacious pagans who can only be superficially converted and, after a fifty-year break in religious traditions, there is some justification to this view. Many a missionary and preacher has been driven to despair with them, especially over the last few years. Religious fervour is extremely rare and religious extremism is still virtually unknown.
    Despite the often expressed concerns of Western publicists, fundamentalism is not a problem among the Albanians nor is it likely to arise in Albania in any form. Isolated acts of religious extremism, such as pig heads thrown into the courtyards of mosques, the knocking down of Catholic tombstones or the damaging of Orthodox frescoes have been just that, isolated acts. The sad incident in Voskopoja near Korça on 11 August 1996 was typical. Three Albanian adolescents, aged 16-18, all of them educated by Islamic extremists from abroad, broke into the beautiful Orthodox Church of St. Michael's (1722-1725) while on their holidays at a summer camp there. The boys took knives to the eighteenth-century frescos and, in true centuries-old Balkan tradition, scarred the faces and scratched out the eyes of twenty-three serene Orthodox saints. This act of cultural barbarism shocked and dismayed the Albanian public, Christians and Moslems alike, and caused a minor wave of irritation between the religious communities. Such acts have, however, remained isolated instances and do not represent any particular trend. Confrontation in Albania is more at the political and regional level than at the confessional.
    Even in Kosovo and Western Macedonia, where Islam is once again under a virulent attack from the Orthodox Serbs and Macedonians, as it was farther north during the Bosnian War, Islamic fundamentalism is unlikely to gain any hold. The struggle for freedom and independence in Kosovo is primarily a political and ethnic struggle. Religion does not play a significant role, as far as the Kosovo Albanian Moslems are concerned.
    Despite the current lack of open religious fervour among the Albanians, Islam has contributed substantially in making the Albanians what they are today. It is now an inherent feature of Albania’s national culture and ought to be treated and respected as such. As the twentieth century draws to a close, the Albanian nation finds itself in a state of profound turmoil, indeed of anarchy: economically, politically and culturally. Only time will tell whether mainstream Islam and the Sufi tarikat can once again contribute to giving the Albanian people a sense of identity.

    10. Bibliography of Albanian Islam and the dervish orders


    ABUN-NASR, Jamil M.
    The Tijaniyya, a Sufi order in the modern world. (Oxford University Press, London & New York 1965) 204 pp.
    ARNAKIS, George G.
    Futuwwa traditions in the Ottoman Empire. Akhis, Bektashi dervishes, and craftsmen. in: Journal of near eastern studies, 12, 4 (1953), p. 232-247.
    ARNOLD, T. W.
    The preaching of Islam. A history of the propagation of the Muslim faith. (Luzac, London 1896, reprint 1913, 1935, Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, Lahore 1961, 1979)
    BABINGER, Franz
    Bei den Derwischen von Kruja. in: Mitteilungen der Deutsch-Türkischen Vereinigung, IX (1928), 8-9, p. 148-149, 10, p. 164-165; and in: Münchner Neueste Nachrichten, Munich, 7 January 1929, p. 3-4.
    - With the dervishes of Krooya. in: The Sphere, no. 1525, April 13, 1929, p. 63.
    - Ewlija Tschelebi's Reisewege in Albanien. in: Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen,
    Berlin 33 (1930), II. Abteilung, p. 138-178; and in: Rumelische Streifen (Berlin 1938) p. 1-40; and
    in: Aufsätze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte Südosteuropas und der Levante, 2 (Munich 1966) p. 51-89.
    - Das Bektaschikloster Demir Baba. in: Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen,
    Berlin, 34 (1931); and in: Aufsätze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte Südosteuropas und der Levante, 1 (Munich 1962), p. 88-96.
    BARTL, Peter
    Die albanischen Muslime zur Zeit des nationalen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung 1878-1912. Albanische Forschungen 8. (Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1968) 207 pp.
    BAYRAKTARI, Cemal
    The first American Bektasi Tekke. in: Turkish Studies Association Bulletin, 9, 1, March 1985, p. 21-24.
    BERISHAJ, Anton Kolë
    Islamization. Seed of discord or the only way of salvation for Albanians? in: Religion in Eastern Europe, 15, 6, (1995), p. 1-7.
    BIRGE, John Kingsley
    The Bektashi order of dervishes. (Luzac, London 1937, reprint 1965, 1982, 1994) 291 pp.
    - Bektasilik tarihi. Çeviri Reha Çamuroglu. (Ant Yayinlari, Istanbul s.a.) 339 pp.
    BITINCKA, Dervish Feim Hamdi
    Histori e teqes së Melçanit. Botim i 1re. (Dhori Koti, Korcë 1925) 48 pp
    BOURGEOIS, H.
    Le Livre des Bektaschi de Naim Bey Frasheri. Traduit de l'albanais. in: Revue du monde musulman, Paris, 49 (1922), p. 105-120.
    BOUSQUET, G. H.
    Notes sur les reformes de l'Islam albanais. in: Revue des Etudes Islamiques, Paris, 9, 1935, IV. p. 399-410.
    - Islam in the Balkans. in: The Moslem World 27 (1937), p. 65-71.
    BUSCH-ZANTNER, Richard
    Die Sekte des Bektaschi in Albanien. in: Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen, Gotha, 78 (1932), p. 245.
    CAHEN, Claude
    Bab Ishaq, Baba Ilyas, Hadjdji Bektash et quelques autres. in: Turcica, 1 (1969), p. 53-64.
    CEHAJIC, Dzemal
    Bektashis and Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina. in: Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke, Sarajevo, V-VI (1978), p. 83-90.
    - Derviski redovi u jugoslovenskim zemljama. Sa posebnim osvrtom na Bosnu i Hercegovinu.
    Orientalni Institut u Sarajevu. Posebna izdana XIV. (Orientalni Institut u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 1986)
    ÇELA, Elira
    Feja dhe kleri në gjykimin e populit. in: Kultura popullore, Tiranë, 1989, 1, p. 121-136.
    - Tradita afetare të popullit shqiptar. (8 Nëntori, Tiranë 1991) 204 pp.
    - Soupçons de religion dans le système social albanais. in: Conscience et liberté, Bern, 46 (1993), p. 83-103.
    - Albanian Muslims, human rights and relations with the Islamic world. in: Muslim communities in the new
    Europe. Edited by Gerd Nonneman, Tim Niblock, Bogdan Szajkowski. (Ithaca Press, Reading UK 1996), p. 139-152.
    ÇELA, Elira & LAMANI, Genc
    Political change and the revival of Islamic consciousness in post-communist Albania. in: Muslim identity and the Balkan state. Suha Taji-Farouk & Hugh Poulton (ed.). (Hurst, London 1997) ISBN 1-85065-348-8.
    ÇELEBI, Evliya
    Evliya Çelebi in Albania. Edited by Robert Dankoff and Robert Elsie. (forthcoming)
    ÇETINER, Yilmaz
    Bilinmiyen Arnavutluk. Bir röportaj dizisi. (Istanbul Matbaasi, Istanbul 1966)126 pp.
    CHOUBLIER, Maximilien
    Les Bektachis et la Roumélie. in: Revue des Etudes Islamiques, Paris, 1 (1927), p. 427-453.
    CLAYER, Nathalie
    L'Albanie. Pays des derviches. Les ordres mystiques musulmans en Albanie à l'époque postottomane (1912-1967). Balkanologische Veröffentlichungen 17. (Berlin. In Kommission bei Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1990) 505 pp.
    - Bektachisme et nationalisme albanais. in: A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (ed.), Bektachiyya, études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach. ISBN 2-7053-1698-1. Revue des Etudes Islamiques 60 (1992). Numéro spécial (Paul Geuthner, Paris 1993 / Isis, Istanbul 1995), p. 271-300.
    - Mystiques, état et société. Les Halvetis dans l'aire balkanique de la fin du XVe siècle à nos jours. ISBN 9004-10090-3. (E.J. Brill, Leiden 1994) iii + 426 pp.
    CORDIGNANO, Fulvio
    Condizioni religiose del popolo albanese. in: Albania, a cura dell'Istituto di Studi Adriatici, Venice, 1939, p. 71-90.
    DANIEL, Odile
    La communauté musulmane dans le mouvement culturel albanais à la fin du XIXe siècle au début du XXe siècle. in: Lettre d’information, Paris, 1985, 4, La transmission du savoir dans le monde musulman périphérique, p. 21-34.
    - Historical role of the Muslim community in Albania. in: Central Asian survey, London, 9, 3 (1990), p. 1-28.
    - Nationality and religion in Albania. in: Albanian Catholic Bulletin / Buletini Katolik Shqiptar, San Francisco 11 (1990), p. 90-98.
    DANIEL, Odile & POPOVIC, Alexandre
    Les statuts de la communauté musulmane albanaise (Sunnites et Bektachis) de 1945.
    in: Journal Asiatique 265. 3-4 (1977), p. 273-306.
    DAUER, Alfons Michael
    Filmdokumentationen zur Situation Islamischer Kulturen des Balkans, insbesondere des Derwischwesens, 1971-1975. Ein Erfahrungsbericht. in: Münchner Zeitschrift für Balkankunde, Munich, 1 (1978), p. 81-110.
    DEGRAND, Jules Alexandre Théodore
    Souvenirs de la Haute-Albanie. (Welter, Paris 1901) 353 pp.
    DIERL, Anton Josef
    Geschichte und Lehre des anatolischen Alevismus-Bektasismus. ISBN 3-924320-15-2. (Dagyeli, Frankfurt 1985) 289 pp.
    - Djersa. E permuajshme morale kulturale e shoqnore.
    Organi i Komunitetit Bektashian Shqiptar. Shtypshkronja Luarasi, Tirana, 1945-46.
    DURHAM, Mary Edith
    The Burden of the Balkans. (Edward Arnold, London 1905) 331 pp.
    ELSIE, Robert
    Albanian literature in the Moslem tradition. Eighteenth and early nineteenth century Albanian writing in Arabic script. in: Oriens, Journal of the International Society for Oriental Research, Leiden, 33 (1992), p. 287-306.
    - Albanian folktales and legends. (Naim Frashëri, Tiranë 1994) 223 pp.
    - History of Albanian literature. East European Monographs 379. ISBN 0-88033-276-X. 2 volumes. (Social Science Monographs, Boulder. Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York 1995) xv + 1,054 pp.
    - Histori e letërsisë shqiptare. (Dukagjini, Tiranë & Pejë 1997) 686 pp.
    - Kosovo. In the heart of the powder keg. East European Monographs, CDLXXVIII. ISBN 0-88033-375-8. (East European Monographs, Boulder, Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York 1997) vi + 593 pp.
    FAROQHI, Suraiya
    Der Bektaschi-Orden in Anatolien (vom späten fünfzehnten Jahrhundert bis 1826). Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes.. Sonderband II. (Institut für Orientalistik der Universität Wien, Vienna 1981) 171 pp.
    FILIPOVIC, Milenko S.
    The Bektashis in the district of Strumica (Macedonia). in: Man, A monthly record of anthropological science, London, 54 (1954), p.10-13.
    FRASHËRI, Naim Bey
    Fletore e Bektashinjet. (Shtypëshkronjët të Shqipëtarëvet, Bucharest 1896, reprint Mbrothësia, Thessalonika 1909) 32 pp.
    GADZANOV, D.
    Mohamedani pravoslavni i mohamedani sektanti v Makedonija. in: Makedonski pregled, Sofia, 1, 4 (1925), p. 5-66.
    GODART, Justin
    L'Albanie en 1921. Préface de d'Estournelles de Constant. (PUF, Paris 1922) 374 pp.
    GÖLPINARLI, Abdülbâki
    Melâmîlik ve Melâmîler. (Devlet Matbaasi, Istanbul 1931) 381 pp.
    - Mevlânâ’dan sonra Mevlevîlik. (Inkilâp ve Aka Kitabevleri, Istanbul 1983) 568 pp.
    GUIDETTI, Vittoria Luisa
    Elementi dualistici e gnostici della religione bektashi in Albania fra il XVII e il XIX secolo. in: Destino e salvezza tra culti pagani e gnosi cristiana. A cura di Giulia Sfameni Gasparro. Collana di studi storico-religiosi, 2 (Lionello Giordano Editore, Florence? 1998?), p. 239-264.
    HAAS, Abdülkadir
    Die Bektasi. Riten und Mysterien eines islamischen Ordens. ISBN3-88548-354-8. (Express Edition, Berlin 1987) 183 pp.
    HAFIZ, Nimetullah
    Yugoslavya'da Bektasi tekkeleri. in: Çevren, Prishtinë, IV, 11, 1976, pp. 57-67.
    - Yugoslavya’da Mevlevi tekkeleri. in: Fevzi Halici (ed.), Mevlâna ve yasama sevinçi (Konya Turizm Dernegi Yayini, Ankara 1978), p. 173-178.
    - Le développement du bektachisme en Yougoslavie. in: A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (ed.), Bektachiyya, études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach. ISBN 2-7053-1698-1. Revue des Etudes Islamiques 60 (1992). Numéro spécial (Paul Geuthner, Paris 1993 / Isis, Istanbul 1995), p. 327-338.
    HAHN, Johann Georg von
    Albanesische Studien. 3 vol. (Fr. Mauke, Jena 1854, reprint Karavias, Athens 1981) 347, 169, 244 pp.
    HALIMI, Kadri
    Derviški redovi i njihova kultna mjesta na Kosovu i Metohiji. in: Glasnik Muzeja Kosova i Metohije, Prishtinë, 2, 1957, p. 193-206.
    HASLUCK, Frederick William
    Ambiguous sanctuaries and Bektashi propaganda. in: Annals of the British School in Athens, Athens, 20 (1913), p. 94-122.
    - Geographical distribution of the Bektashi. in: Annals of the British School in Athens, Athens, 21 (1914-1916), p. 84-124.
    - The fourth religion of Albania. in: The New Europe 13, London, 6 November 1919, p. 106-107.
    - Christianity and Islam under the Sultans. Edited by Margaret Hasluck. 2 vol. (Clarendon, Oxford 1929) 770 pp.
    HASLUCK, Margaret Masson Hardie
    The Nonconformist Moslems of Albania. in: Contemporary review, London, 127 (1925), p. 599-606. reprinted in: Moslem World 15 (1925), p. 388-398.
    INALCIK, Halil
    Arnawutluk. in: Encyclopedia of Islam. Edited by H.A.R. Gibb et al. (Luzac, London 1960), Vol. 1. p. 650-658.
    INSABATO, Enrico
    Gli Albanesi musulmani e le loro congregazioni. in: Bolletino della R. Società Geografica, Rome, 1916, 3, p. 238-239.
    JACOB, Georg
    Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Derwischordens der Bektaschi. Türkische Bibliothek Bd. 9. (Mayer & Müller, Berlin 1908)
    - Die Bektaschijje in ihrem Verhältnis zu verwandten Erscheinungen. in: Abhandlungen der K. Bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Munich 1909, I. Kl. XXIV. Bd. III. Abt.
    JACQUES, Edwin E.
    Islam in Albania. in: Moslem World, 28 (1938), p. 313-314.
    - The Albanians. An ethnic history from prehistoric times to the present. ISBN 0-89950-932-0. (McFarland & Co., Jefferson NC 1995) 768 pp.
    JOKL, Norbert
    Die Bektaschis von Naim Frashëri. Herausgegeben und übersetzt. in: Balkanarchiv, Leipzig, 2 (1926), p. 226-256.
    KALESHI, Hasan
    Das türkische Vordringen auf dem Balkan und die Islamisierung. Faktoren für die Erhaltung der ethnischen und nationalen Existenz des albanischen Volkes. in: Südeuropa unter dem Halbmond. Prof. Georg Stadtmüller zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet. BARTL, Peter & GLASSL, Horst (ed.) (Munich 1975), p. 125-138.
    - Haxhi Qamili. in: Biographisches Lexikon zur Geschichte Südosteuropas. Ed.: Mathias Bernath & Karl Nehring (R. Oldenbourg, Munich 1974-1981), Vol. II (1976), p. 131-133.
    - Baba Kâzim. Oberhaupt der Bektâshi-Derwische in Djakovica. in: Publikationen zu Wissenschaftlichen Filmen. Section Ethnologie. Göttingen, 1980, Série 10, No.3 49, Film E 1970.
    KALESHI, Hasan & KISSLING, Hans Joachim
    Islam, Jugoslawien, Kosovo. Besuch im Tekye der Chalvetî-Derwische in Prizren. in: Publikationen zu Wissenschaftlichen Filmen. Section Ethnologie. Göttingen, 1980, Série 10, No. 46, Film E 1967.
    KALLAJXHI, Xhevat
    Bektashizmi dhe teqeja shqiptare n'Amerikë. Parathënie e Hirësisë së Tij Baba Rexhebit. E boton Teqeja me rastin e 10-vjetorit të themelimit të saj. (s.e., Detroit 1964) 75 pp.
    KIEL, Machiel
    A note on the date of the establishment of the Bektashi Order in Albania: the cult of Sari Saltik Dede in Kruja attested in 1567-1568. in: A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (ed.), Bektachiyya, études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach. ISBN 2-7053-1698-1. Revue des Etudes Islamiques 60 (1992). Numéro spécial (Paul Geuthner, Paris 1993 / Isis, Istanbul 1995), p. 263-270.
    KISSLING, Hans-Joachim
    Aus der Geschichte des Chalwetijje-Ordens. in: Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 103 (1953), p. 233-289.
    - Zur Geschichte des Derwischordens der Bajramijje. in: Südost-Forschungen, Munich, 15 (1956), p. 237-268.
    - Zur Frage der Anfänge des Bektašitums in Albanien. in: Oriens, Journal of the International Society for Oriental Research, Leiden, 15 (1962) p. 281-286.
    - Zum islamischen Heiligenwesen auf dem Balkan, vorab im thrakischen Raum. in: Zeitschrift für Balkanologie, Berlin, 1 (1963), p. 46-59.
    - Aus dem Derwischwesen Südosteuropas. in: Grazer und Münchener Balkanologische Studien. Beiträge zur Kenntnis Südosteuropas und des Nahen Orients 2, (Trofenik, Munich 1967), p. 56-70.
    LEDERER, Gyorgy
    Islam in Albania. in: Central Asian Survey, London, 1994, 13. 3 (1994), p. 331-359.
    LUXNER, Larry
    Albania’s islamic rebirth. in: Aramco world, 43, 4 (July-Aug. 1992), p. 38-47.
    MASULOVIC-MARSOL, Liliana
    Les Rifâ’îs de Skopje. Structure et impact. (Isis, Istanbul 1992)
    - Les Bektachis dans la République de Macédoine. Notes et matériaux d’une enquête sur le terrain (1986-1987). in: A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (ed.), Bektachiyya, études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach. ISBN 2-7053-1698-1. Revue des Etudes Islamiques 60 (1992). Numéro spécial (Paul Geuthner, Paris 1993 / Isis, Istanbul 1995), p. 339-368.
    MYDERRIZI, Osman
    Letërsia fetare e Bektashive. in: Buletin për shkencat shoqërore, Tiranë, 3, 1955, p. 131-142.
    NORRIS, Harry Thirlwall
    Islam in the Balkans. Religion and society between Europe and the Arab world. ISBN 1-85065-167-1. (Hurst & Co., London 1993) 304 pp.
    NOYAN, Bedri
    Bektasîlik Alevîlik nedir. (Ankara 1985)
    ÖZKIRIMLI, Attila
    Alevîlik-Bektalîlik ve edebiyati. (Cem yayinevi, Istanbul 1985)
    PALIKRUŠEVA, Galaba
    Derviškiot red Halveti vo Makedonija. in: Zbornik na štipskiot naroden muzej, Štip, 1 (1958-1959), p. 105-119.
    PALIKRUŠEVA, Galaba & TOMOVSKI, Krum
    Les Tekkés en Macédoine aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles. in: Atti del Secondo Congresso Internazionale de Arte Turca, Naples, 1965, p. 203-211.
    POPOVIC, Alexandre
    Les musulmans du sud-est européen dans la période post-ottomane. Problèmes d'approche. in: Journal asiatique, Paris, 263 (1975), p. 317-360.
    - Problèmes d'approche de l'Islam albanais 1912-1967. in: Actes du Deuxième Congrès international d'études des cultures de la Méditerranée occidentale (Malte, juin 1976). Algiers 1978, p. 446-450.
    - Un texte inédit de Hasan Kaleshi: ‘L'ordre des Sa'dîya en Yougoslavie.’ in: Quand le crible était dans la paille. Hommage à Pertev Naili Boratav. Rémy Dor & Michèle Nicholas, ed. (Maisonneuve et Larose, Paris 1978), p. 335-348.
    - La communauté musulmane d'Albanie dans la période post-ottomane. in: Zeitschrift für Balkanologie, Berlin, 19 (1983), p. 151-216
    - L'Islam balkanique. Les musulmans du sud-est européen dans la période post-ottomane. Balkanologische Veröffentlichungen Nr 11. (in Kommission Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, Berlin 1986) 478 pp.
    - Typologie d’un ordre mystique musulman en Yougoslavie: le cas des Kadiris de Kosovska Mitrovica. in: Quaderni di studi arabi, Venice, 5-6 (1987-1988), p. 667-678.
    - Les derviches balkaniques: La Rifâ'iya. in: Zeitschrift für Balkanologie, Berlin, 25.2 (1989), p. 167-198.
    - L’Islam dans les états du Sud-est européen depuis leur indépendance. in: Die Staaten Südosteuropas und die Osmanen, Südosteuropa-Jahrbuch, 19. ed. Hans G. Majer. (Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft, Munich 1989), p. 309-317.
    - A propos des statuts des Bektachis d’Albanie. in: A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (ed.), Bektachiyya, études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach. ISBN 2-7053-1698-1. Revue des Etudes Islamiques 60 (1992). Numéro spécial (Paul Geuthner, Paris 1993 / Isis, Istanbul 1995), p. 301-326.
    - Les musulmans yougoslaves (1845-1989). Médiateurs et métaphores. (L'Age d'Homme, Lausanne 1990) 69 pp.
    - Un ordre de derviches en terre d’Europe. La Rifâ’iyya. (L'Age d'Homme, Lausanne 1993) 144 pp.
    - Les derviches balkaniques hier et aujourd’hui. (Isis, Istanbul 1994)
    POPOVIC, Alexandre & VEINSTEIN, Gilles (ed.)
    Les ordres mystiques dans L'Islam. Cheminements et situation actuelle. (Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris 1986) 324 pp.
    - Bektachiyya. Etudes sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach. ISBN 2 7053-1698-1. Revue des Etudes Islamiques, 60 (1992). Numéro spécial. (Paul Geuthner, Paris 1993 / Isis, Istanbul 1995) xii + 598 pp.
    - Les voies d’Allah. Les ordres mystiques dans l’Islam des origines à aujourd’hui. Sous la direction de Alexandre Popovic. ISBN 2-213-59449-X. (Fayard, Paris 1996) 711 pp.
    PRISHTA, V. A.
    Bektashinjt e Shqipërisë. (Korça, Korçë 1921) 40 pp.
    PUTRA, Sh. M.
    Islam in Albania. in: Light, Lahore, 1935, 5, p. 1-2.
    RAÇI, Fatime
    Jeta dhe aktiviteti i Sheh Ahmet Shkodrës. (Tiranë 1994)
    REXHEBI, Baba
    Misticizma Islame dhe Bektashizma. (Waldon Press, New York 1970) 389 pp.
    - The mysticism of Islam and Bektashism. (Dragotti, Naples 1984) 173 pp.
    RIEDL, Richard
    Die tanzenden Derwische von Tirana. in: Österreichische Rundschau, Vienna, 11 (1907), p. 230-231.
    RINGGREN, Helmer
    The initiation ceremony of the Bektashis. in: Initiation. Studies in the History of Religions. Supplement to No. X (1956) p. 202-208.
    - The initiation ceremony of the Bektashis. Initiation contributions to the theme of the study. Conference of the International Association for the History of Religions held at Strassbourg, September 17-22, 1964. Editor: Blecker, C. J. (Leiden 1965), p. 202-208.
    RIZAJ, Skënder
    The Islamization of the Albanians during the XVth and XVIth centuries. in: Studia Albanica, Tiranë, 1985, 2, p. 127-131.
    ROSSI, Ettore
    Saggio sul dominio turco e l'introduzione dell'Islam in Albania. in: Rivista di Albania, Milan, 3, (1942), p. 200-213.
    - Credenze ed usi dei Bektasci. in: Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni, Rome, 18.1-4 (1942), p. 60-80.
    SELENICA, Teki
    Shqipria e ilustruar. L'Albanie illustrée. Albumi i 'Shqipris më 1927'. Album de l'Albanie en 1927. (Tirana, Tiranë 1928) xviii + 400 pp.
    SELIGER, Kurt
    Albanien. Land der Adlersöhne. Ein Reisebuch in Wort und Bild. (Brockhaus, Leipzig 1960) 259 pp.
    SERIN, Rahmi
    Islâm tasavvufunda Halvetilik ve Halvetiler. (Bayram Yayimcilik Matbaacilik Koll., Istanbul 1984) 175 pp.
    SIÇECA, Shpresa
    Vende kulti të ritet islam në Prizren. Tyrbet e varret e shenjta. in: Gjurmime albanologjike, Seria folklor dhe etnologji, Prishtinë, 25 (1995), p. 179-191.
    SIRRI, Ahmad, Baba
    al-Risala al-Ahmadiyya fi tarikh al-tariqa al-’Aliyya al-Baktishiyya bi-Misr al-Mahrusa (Cairo [1358 A.H.] 1939) 64 pp.
    SKENDI, Stavro
    Religion in Albania during the Ottoman rule. in: Südost-Forschungen, Munich, 15 (1956), p. 311-327. reprinted in: Balkan Cultural Studies (New York 1980) p. 151-166.
    STADTMÜLLER, Georg
    Die Islamisierung bei den Albanern. in: Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas N.F. 3 (1955) p. 404-429.
    - Der Derwischorden der Bektaschi in Albanien. in: Serta slavica in memoriam Aloisii Schmaus. ed. W. Gesemann et al. (Trofenik, Munich 1971), p. 683-687.
    SUNAR, M. S.
    Melâmîlik ve Bektasîlik. (Ankara Univ. Masimevi, Ankara 1975)
    TOMORI, Baba Ali (= TOMORRI, Baba Ali; TYRABIU, Ali)
    Thelbi i qëllimit, udha e shpëtimit prej Atë Ali Tomorri. (Dhori Koti, Korçë 1924) 47 pp.
    - Literatyra e Bektashivet a vjersha të përkthyera prej shkrimtarëve bektashinj të vjetër. (Mbrothësija, Tiranë 1927) 32 pp.
    - Mersija, apo ceremonia e shënjtë e Bektashivet kur shënjtërohet ashyréja. Përkëthim i mbaruar prej Atë Ali Tyrabiut, P.N. i teqes së Tomorit. (Mbrothësija, Tiranë 1928) 11 pp.
    - Historija i përgjithëshme e bektashinjvet prej Atë Ali Tyrabiut P.N. i teqes' së Tomorit. Shkruar në pjesa spirituale dhe dokumentale. (Mbrothësia, Tiranë 1929) 95 pp.
    - Xhevher ose mendime dhe aforizma Bektashijsh të vjetër. Përmbledhje dhe përkëthime prej Baba Ali Tomori. (Mbrothësija, Tiranë 1934) 18 pp.
    - Nefeze dhe gazele bektashiane. Të marruna nga libri i posaçmë i Baba Ali Tomorit. Botuar prej Asqeri F. Lumani. (Luarasi, Tiranë 1934-1935) 50 pp.
    TRIX, Frances
    The Ashura lament of Baba Rexheb and the Albanian Bektashi Community in America. in: A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (ed.), Bektachiyya, études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach. ISBN 2-7053-1698-1. Revue des Etudes Islamiques 60 (1992). Numéro spécial (Paul Geuthner, Paris 1993 / Isis, Istanbul 1995), p. 405-418.
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    ULUSOY, A. Celâlettin
    Hünkâr Haci Bektas Velî ve Alevî-Bektas yolu. (Hacibektas 1986)
    VLORA, Ekrem bey
    Aus Berat und vom Tomor. Tagebuchblätter. Zur Kunde der Balkanhalbinsel I. Reisen und Beobachtungen 13. (D. A. Kajon, Sarajevo 1911) 168 pp.
    - Aperçu sur l'histoire des ordres réligieux et en particulier du Bektachisme en Albanie. in: Shpirti shqiptar (L'Anima Albanese), Turin, 1.3 (1955) p. 30-36; 1.4 (1955), p. 7-16.
    ZAMPUTI, Injac
    Një dorëshkrim bektashian i gjysmës së shekullit të XIX (1850-1860). in: Buletin për Shkencat Shoqërore, Tiranë, 4. 1955, p. 203-210.
    Por sot, Shqypni, pa m'thuej si je?

  2. #12
    i/e larguar Maska e forum126
    Anëtarësuar
    05-10-2003
    Vendndodhja
    USA
    Postime
    1,198

    Pse vetem shqiptaret muslimane?

    Shume here degjohet dhe lexohet neper librat e historise qe kemi mesuar ne shkolla kjo teori: "Feja islame eshte futur me zor ne Shqiperi. me taksa e me shpate".

    Por keto libra historie dhe mesuesit e saj nuk i dhane kurre pergjigje /apo shpjegim disa pyejtjeve /fakteve.

    1. Kthimi me shpate
    Si ka mundesi qe shqiptaret nuk i duruan dot shpates se turkut e serbet, greket, bullgaret, rumunet etj etj duruan?

    2. Pse besimtare te feve te tjera erdhen nga vende te ndryshme ne Europe dhe zgjodhen te shijojne shpaten e turkut sesa jetesen atje? (cifutet e shtypur ne te gjithe Europen vinin dhe gjenin lirine e besimit ne shtetin osman)

    Pervec Shqiperise ku kane bashkejetuar ne harmoni fete e ndryshme dhe kane mundur ti kalojne shekujt e gjate duhet ditur se edhe Stamboll GJYSMA e popullsise ka qene te krishtere e cifute ku gezonin te drejta te plota.

    3. Jo vetem shqiptaret jane bere muslimane...

    Nuk duhet bere shume pyjtja se pse vetem shqiptaret jane kthyer muslimane. Ka pasur edhe shume greke qe kane qene muslimane por ka qene ai shovinizem, ajo mostolerance e grekeve qe i detyroi ata te Nderronin fene ose te niseshin per ne Turqi. Nisja e grekerve muslimane ne turqi njihet si Nderrimi i popullsise ne historine e dy vendeve perkatese.

    4. 500 vjet....

    Si ka mundesi qe turqit per 500 vjet nuk ja nderruan dot as gjuhen as fene Shqiperise, Greqise, Serbise etj? Ndersa Greqia nuk ju deshen as 5 vjet per ta "spastruar" nga muslimanet greke e shqiptare atje. Kujtoni pak camet per tokat e te cileve edhe BASHKIMI EUROPIAN deklaroi se nuk eshte ceshtje qe u perket atij si institucion por eshte nje ceshtje qe i perket Greqise dhe Shqiperise.

    Faleminderit Bashkimi Europian per ndihmen dhe zgjidhjen e problemeve.

    5. Taksat....

    Pse vetem shqiptaret dhe boshnjaket nuk mund ti paguanin taksat nder te gjithe popujt e ballkanit, shto ketu edhe cifutet qe erdhen te strehohen?

    Duhet kujtuar se edhe muslimanet paguanin taksa, vetem se emri i takses se krishtereve kishte emer tjeter. Pastaj nuk duhet harruar se Shteti Osman edhe ka investuar per zhvillimin e gjithe territorit duke perfshire edhe ballkanin. Nuk eshte se te gjitha e ardhurat nga taksat harxhoheshin ne Stamboll.

    Historianet e Hungarise thone se investimet qe ka bere shteti osman atje kane qene shume here me shume sesa taksat e mbledhura. Permend rastin e Hungarise sepse ata kane rrespekt dhe e vleresojne shume edhe sot c'fare ka bere shteti osman atje.

    6. Te mos ishte Islami nuk do te kishte mbetur Kisha Orthodokse
    Nje shembull Hungaria

    Perpara se Serbia te futej ne shtetin osman Hungaria qe ishte nje shtet i forte katolik i kercenoi se do ta pushtonte dhe se te gjitha kishat orthodokse do ti kthenin ne kisha katolike. Serbia duke e ditur se nen shtetin osman fene e tyre e kishin te mbrojtur pranoi perseri me mire te ishte nen SHPATEN TURKE sesa nen pushtimin e Hungarise.

    7. Harmonia midis feve

    Ketu mund te permendim shume kujtime te udhetareve te ndryshem qe kane vizituar shtetin osman. Mund te permendim kujtimet e Bajronit i cili gjate udhetimeve ne Shqiperi permendtte se krahas xhamive ku kendohej ezani me zerat me te bukur kishte edhe shume manastire.

    8. Ku shkel turku nuk mbin bari...

    Duhet te mblidhemi edhe nje here se bashku dhe te mendojme ta ndryshojme kete shprehje. Do te tingellonte me origjinale, me rreale: Ku shkel SERBI, GREKU nuk mbin bari. Ketu nqs ka ndonje pyejtje pse keshtu, mund te shkruajme edhe nje teme shume te gjate se pse. Megjithese une mendoj se te pakten si shqiptare qe i kemi vuajtur ne kurriz nuk duhet te kemi nevoje per shpjegime.

    9. Pastaj puna eshte se ne krye te shqiperise ka pasur shqiptare. Dhe mund te themi se me shume ka pasur nepunes e zyrtare shqiptare ne Turqi sesa turq ne Shqiperi. Ne krye te shtetit osman jane ngritur ne detyre shume here: Shqiptare, Serbe, te krishtere edhe cifute.

    Pas vdekjes se nje nga sulltaneve deri ne kohen sa te caktohej sulltani i ri ne krye te shtetit ka qene Sokolovi, nje serb.

  3. #13
    ..... .....
    Anëtarësuar
    11-05-2008
    Postime
    2,503

    Arrow

    Citim Postuar më parë nga forum126 Lexo Postimin
    Shume here degjohet dhe lexohet neper librat e historise qe kemi mesuar ne shkolla kjo teori: "Feja islame eshte futur me zor ne Shqiperi. me taksa e me shpate".

    Por keto libra historie dhe mesuesit e saj nuk i dhane kurre pergjigje /apo shpjegim disa pyejtjeve /fakteve.

    1. Kthimi me shpate
    Si ka mundesi qe shqiptaret nuk i duruan dot shpates se turkut e serbet, greket, bullgaret, rumunet etj etj duruan?

    2. Pse besimtare te feve te tjera erdhen nga vende te ndryshme ne Europe dhe zgjodhen te shijojne shpaten e turkut sesa jetesen atje? (cifutet e shtypur ne te gjithe Europen vinin dhe gjenin lirine e besimit ne shtetin osman)

    Pervec Shqiperise ku kane bashkejetuar ne harmoni fete e ndryshme dhe kane mundur ti kalojne shekujt e gjate duhet ditur se edhe Stamboll GJYSMA e popullsise ka qene te krishtere e cifute ku gezonin te drejta te plota.

    3. Jo vetem shqiptaret jane bere muslimane...

    Nuk duhet bere shume pyjtja se pse vetem shqiptaret jane kthyer muslimane. Ka pasur edhe shume greke qe kane qene muslimane por ka qene ai shovinizem, ajo mostolerance e grekeve qe i detyroi ata te Nderronin fene ose te niseshin per ne Turqi. Nisja e grekerve muslimane ne turqi njihet si Nderrimi i popullsise ne historine e dy vendeve perkatese.

    4. 500 vjet....

    Si ka mundesi qe turqit per 500 vjet nuk ja nderruan dot as gjuhen as fene Shqiperise, Greqise, Serbise etj? Ndersa Greqia nuk ju deshen as 5 vjet per ta "spastruar" nga muslimanet greke e shqiptare atje. Kujtoni pak camet per tokat e te cileve edhe BASHKIMI EUROPIAN deklaroi se nuk eshte ceshtje qe u perket atij si institucion por eshte nje ceshtje qe i perket Greqise dhe Shqiperise.

    Faleminderit Bashkimi Europian per ndihmen dhe zgjidhjen e problemeve.

    5. Taksat....

    Pse vetem shqiptaret dhe boshnjaket nuk mund ti paguanin taksat nder te gjithe popujt e ballkanit, shto ketu edhe cifutet qe erdhen te strehohen?

    Duhet kujtuar se edhe muslimanet paguanin taksa, vetem se emri i takses se krishtereve kishte emer tjeter. Pastaj nuk duhet harruar se Shteti Osman edhe ka investuar per zhvillimin e gjithe territorit duke perfshire edhe ballkanin. Nuk eshte se te gjitha e ardhurat nga taksat harxhoheshin ne Stamboll.

    Historianet e Hungarise thone se investimet qe ka bere shteti osman atje kane qene shume here me shume sesa taksat e mbledhura. Permend rastin e Hungarise sepse ata kane rrespekt dhe e vleresojne shume edhe sot c'fare ka bere shteti osman atje.

    6. Te mos ishte Islami nuk do te kishte mbetur Kisha Orthodokse
    Nje shembull Hungaria

    Perpara se Serbia te futej ne shtetin osman Hungaria qe ishte nje shtet i forte katolik i kercenoi se do ta pushtonte dhe se te gjitha kishat orthodokse do ti kthenin ne kisha katolike. Serbia duke e ditur se nen shtetin osman fene e tyre e kishin te mbrojtur pranoi perseri me mire te ishte nen SHPATEN TURKE sesa nen pushtimin e Hungarise.

    7. Harmonia midis feve

    Ketu mund te permendim shume kujtime te udhetareve te ndryshem qe kane vizituar shtetin osman. Mund te permendim kujtimet e Bajronit i cili gjate udhetimeve ne Shqiperi permendtte se krahas xhamive ku kendohej ezani me zerat me te bukur kishte edhe shume manastire.

    8. Ku shkel turku nuk mbin bari...

    Duhet te mblidhemi edhe nje here se bashku dhe te mendojme ta ndryshojme kete shprehje. Do te tingellonte me origjinale, me rreale: Ku shkel SERBI, GREKU nuk mbin bari. Ketu nqs ka ndonje pyejtje pse keshtu, mund te shkruajme edhe nje teme shume te gjate se pse. Megjithese une mendoj se te pakten si shqiptare qe i kemi vuajtur ne kurriz nuk duhet te kemi nevoje per shpjegime.

    9. Pastaj puna eshte se ne krye te shqiperise ka pasur shqiptare. Dhe mund te themi se me shume ka pasur nepunes e zyrtare shqiptare ne Turqi sesa turq ne Shqiperi. Ne krye te shtetit osman jane ngritur ne detyre shume here: Shqiptare, Serbe, te krishtere edhe cifute.

    Pas vdekjes se nje nga sulltaneve deri ne kohen sa te caktohej sulltani i ri ne krye te shtetit ka qene Sokolovi, nje serb.



    Mund te them.
    1.Shqiperia ishte i vetmi vend qe nuk u dorezua perballe turkut(lufta 25 vjecar e Skenderbeut)dhe 12 vjet me vone pas saj.
    2..Fqinjet tane u dorezuan dhe paguajten harace te renda por kurrsesi nuk bene lufte(kujto sa kollaj ra Kostandinopoja e harruar)
    3.Shqiperia u islamizua me imponim(perfshi dhe dhunen) sepse ishte bere plan qe te behej kerthiza* e perandorise(mos harro poziten tone perhere te lakmueshme)
    4.Ne ngjallem nje urrejte te madhe tek turku sepse i shkaktuam shume deme dhe prishje te planeve per nje perandori universale(pushtimin e vatikanit e ndaluam ne).Lexo librin e Marin Barletit 'Histori e Skenderbeut' qe meret si libri kryesor per vertetesine e luftes tone ne europe.Aty tregohet qarte urrejta e QENIT TURK ndaj nesh dhe betimin e sulltanit epr shkretimin e shqiperise.
    5.Islamizime te tjera sigursiht ja pasur pervec nesh por edhe ato me imponim.
    6.Per taksat-A Kane qene perhere serb e grek me te pasur se ne???????
    7.Asimilimi ka 2 rruge-fetar dhe gjuhesor.fatmirsisht nga gjuha nuk na asimiluan dot por islamizmi u mor sa per sy e faqe vec per mbijetese.

    *Tani vec disa pyetje
    1.GJeja qe sjell pushtuesi(feja islame) ka pehere arsye ta zhvilloj apo ta lere ne vend kombin e pushtuar?
    2.Kunder kujt luftoi Skenderbeu apo luftoi kot?
    3.Kanuni i Leke DukaGjinit u krijua per arsyen e vetme qe ti rezistonte konvertimeve te detyruara duke pranuar nje izolim 4 shekulllor nga bota apo edhe kjo kot u krijua?
    4.Ne jemi rrace arabe apo europiane qe e paskemi marre me paqe islamit sepse arabet ishin pagan qe e moren ndersa ne e kishim nje monofe?
    5.kristianizmi erdhi nga shtresat e ulta dhe ishte ne lufte me pushtuesin(romaket ishin pagan deri ne shek4)dhe sherbeu kunder pushtuesit po islami per cfare sherbeu?qe te beheshim turq si ato?meqe ishte e njejta fe me pushtuesin(shiko me siper per asimilimin)

    ************************************************** *************
    Dhe ju lutem mos bini pre e atyre qe thone qe islami ka ardhur me paqe se jane tradhtar te gjakut te te pareve.jane tradhtare te gjakut te te MADHIT GJERGJ KASTRIOTI qe kunder turqve dhe fese se tyre islame luftoi.Mos bini bre e IDIOTEVE SI OLSI JAZEXHI qe kaloi NGA PEDOFILIA E SHKOLLAVE TE MESME NE PERKTHYSIN E DEVEVE.figura tradhtare si ai qe do na cojne 500 vjet te tjera prapa,jane ato qe jane tradhtaret e verte.une jam rritur ne familje gjysem ortodokse-gjysem muslimane por kur njerezit e mi muslimane me kane thene qe islami nuk ka ardhur me paqe por qe na e kan imponuar sepse keshtu i kan thene te paret e tyre te pareve te tyre(keshtu eshte shkruar historia).LEXONI LIBRIN E DOKTORIT TE NDERUAR Z PIRRO PRIFTI 'TE PENDUARIT OSE KOMBI PERBALLE ZOTIT' sepse eshte ilaci i vertet i joni dhe vertetesia dhe vdekje ature HAXHI QAMILISTEVE qe duan te na cojne 500 vjet te tjera prapa.Kujtoni shprehejn PER KET TYRQENI QE KOM dhe duket sa nacinalista jane ato tradhtare qe hiqen sikur islami ka ardhur me paqe.KUJTONI E MOS HARRONI haxh qamilin qe donte baben pas cliririmit dhe VDEKJE PERJETSISHT TURQVE
    Ndryshuar për herë të fundit nga white-knight : 08-07-2008 më 07:15

  4. #14
    ..... .....
    Anëtarësuar
    11-05-2008
    Postime
    2,503
    Dhe 2 gjera

    horizonti

    RRETH PËRHAPJES SË ISLAMIT NDËR SHQIPTARËT
    Përmbledhje studimesh nga Muhidin AHMETI

    TENTATIVË E PASUKSESSHME DHUNË FETARE

    Sherif Delvina
    PER ATE QE HAPI KETE TEME.
    Mos flit me fakte te historianeve filo-turq.Ka ndonje emer shqiptar ne kete mes nga to 2 emra qe jane siper???????????????
    Dhe nje shtojce per forum126 ku thote 6. Te mos ishte Islami nuk do te kishte mbetur Kisha Orthodokse
    Nje shembull Hungaria

    Perpara se Serbia te futej ne shtetin osman Hungaria qe ishte nje shtet i forte katolik i kercenoi se do ta pushtonte dhe se te gjitha kishat orthodokse do ti kthenin ne kisha katolike. Serbia duke e ditur se nen shtetin osman fene e tyre e kishin te mbrojtur pranoi perseri me mire te ishte nen SHPATEN TURKE sesa nen pushtimin e Hungarise.
    __________________________________________________ ____________
    E ke shume gabim meso historine SHQIPTARE DHE EUROPIANE JO ATE HAXHI QAMILISTE.A e di ti qe JANOSH HUNIADI e solli 3 here ne pushtet GJERGJ BRANKOVICIN e serbise qe ra pikerisht kunder turqve por sigurisht(heren e trete kur skenderbeu ishte me ushtrine turke huniadi e strehoi ne hungari brankovicin) serbet e thyen kete bese me hungarezet(1448 na penguan neve te shkonim ne ndihme huniadit ne betejen e fushe kosoves) por faktet qe jep siper jane shume absurde

  5. #15
    Besimtar Musliman Maska e eldonel
    Anëtarësuar
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    Prishtina
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    1,219
    Nje imam na Shkodra ka thene : " Nese dikush ma vesh nje pallto me zor si te hiket rreziku une mund ta deshi " Andaj o njerze ne s na intereon se si qysh tek ne na pelqen Islami edhe e mbajm si perfundim mund ta nxjerri
    Falenderimet i takojn All-llahut qe jemi musliman [/B]
    kaq kisha pershendetje .
    KOSOVA E MADHE

  6. #16
    i/e regjistruar
    Anëtarësuar
    28-10-2006
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    163
    KTHIMI I SHQIPTARËVE NË FENË ISLAME ËSHTË BËRË PA DHUNË


    Cobra, kjo do me thote qe ata qe pranonin fene izlame nuk vuanin dhunen, me mire kishin privilegje.

    Shqipataret ne kohen e Skanderbeut ishin 700.000. Kane pasur 24 fushate ushtarake ne 25 vjet, sigurisht pa pasur dhuna, sipas teje?
    Thuhet se afersisht 100.000 kane emigruar ne Itali. Me vemendje merre ne konsiderate perqindjen.
    Te krishteret e sotme perkujtojne se shtergjisherit e tyre kane shkuar ne malet, nje toke pak interesante per bujqesine, per te shpetuar fene.
    Mos harro fenomenin e laramanizmit, shume te perhapur jo mes arbresheve te Italise apo mes katolikeve te maleve, por mes atyre qe kishin interesat ekonomike qe deshironin ta shpetonin.
    Mos harro qe mijera dhe mijera njerez, edhe femije dhe vajza, kane qene cuar ne lindjen dhe edukuar ne nje fe tjeter.
    Mos harro qe popullatet te huaj myslymane u sjllen ne Shqiperi sigurisht per te favorizuar izlaminizmit.
    Mos harro qe ortodokset kane thirrur Turqet ne Shqiperi ne funksion antikatoilik. Ndoshta ata nuk kane pasur duna, por katoliket kane vuajtur shume. Mos harro qe kishat e tyre shume e bukura ne kete kohe nuk ekzistojne me. E disa kisha shume e bukura edhe sot jane Xhamia.
    Kjo ne nje menyre diletantistike.
    Mund te lexosh nje artikull qe kam kopjuar per nje teme tjeter mbi harmonine fetare ne Shiperi.
    Me simpati. crici_01
    Ndryshuar për herë të fundit nga crici_01 : 08-07-2008 më 12:18

  7. #17
    i/e regjistruar
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    163
    Citim Postuar më parë nga eldonel Lexo Postimin
    Nje imam na Shkodra ka thene : " Nese dikush ma vesh nje pallto me zor si te hiket rreziku une mund ta deshi " Andaj o njerze ne s na intereon se si qysh tek ne na pelqen Islami edhe e mbajm si perfundim mund ta nxjerri
    Falenderimet i takojn All-llahut qe jemi musliman [/B]
    kaq kisha pershendetje .

    Eshte shume e cudiitshme qe kjo te intereson, edhe pse kuptohet cko dite me mire, se kjo nuk eshte nje perparim per popullin tone.

    Me simparti. crici_01

  8. #18
    i/e regjistruar
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    Citim Postuar më parë nga Seminarist Lexo Postimin
    Si gjithnje se kapet qe se kapet dot Antonin!

    " Qellimi justifikon mjetin.." Ignati i Lajoles

    Seminarist, jo Ignati nga Lojola, por Machiavelli.


    Berat, ai quhet Anton. E nuk genjen. Citon njerez te denje per besimin!


    Me simpati. crici_01

  9. #19
    Besimtar Musliman Maska e eldonel
    Anëtarësuar
    07-09-2007
    Vendndodhja
    Prishtina
    Postime
    1,219
    Citim Postuar më parë nga crici_01 Lexo Postimin
    Eshte shume e cudiitshme qe kjo te intereson, edhe pse kuptohet cko dite me mire, se kjo nuk eshte nje perparim per popullin tone.

    Me simparti. crici_01
    Ma sqaro edhe njeher se ku do dalesh me kete "perparim " se nuk te kuptova . Qka s ' eshte perparim per popullin tone . Edhe diqka nese do te bisedosh per perparime do flasim hapur duke e pranuar te verteten perndryshe mos me cito sepse nuk kam koh per te humbur me fjale boshe e per argumente urdheroni .
    Gjithashtu pershendetjet e mija .
    KOSOVA E MADHE

  10. #20
    i/e regjistruar Maska e klajdi wolf
    Anëtarësuar
    14-09-2012
    Postime
    591
    FEJA ISLAME
    A është përhapur me forcë?

    Senad Maku



    Për Islamin dhe çështjet e përhapjes së tij është folur vetëm në kontekstin negative. Një zhurmë e padëgjuar bëhet sot në botë kundër Islamit, duke ia mveshur atij të gjitha të zezat që kanë ndodhur e sidomos që ndodhin gjatë kohës që po kalojmë. Prandaj në përgjithësi, gjithçka thuhet e shkruhet për të, qoftë nga individët, në materiale të botuara si gazeta, revista, libra, në media elektronike etj., duke ia mveshur Islamit gjithçka që në fakt nuk i ka si p.sh.: duke e cilësuar si kulturë e civilizimit të prapambeturisë, fe që pengon modernizimin, pengon lirinë e të menduarit dhe të shprehurit, si religjion dhune, fe fanatike, afriko-aziatike, apo më mirë fe e Lindjes, duke harruar të shkretët, si fetë e tjera si p.sh.: krishterimi apo hebraizmi kanë lindur e kanë ardhur po nga Lindja, përfundimisht sipas tyre Islami është fe e pasioneve të dobëta, si fe e përhapjes me shpatë, si aksident historik i popullit shqiptarë dhe “epitete” të tjera të ngjashme me këto.
    Tek shqiptarët ndër akuzat kryesore që I bëhen Islamit predominon ajo që ka lidhje me përhapjen e tij me dhunë, në përgjithësi në botë, veçanërisht në trojet tona, fe që është imponuar nga pushtuesit dhe si rrjedhojë e kësaj propaganda, vijnë thirrjet primitive që na bëhen për tu rikthyer në “fetë e të parëve tanë”.
    Mënyra e ftesës në Islam ka qenë larg nga gjakderdhja dhe përdorimi I shpatës. Rruga e përhapjes së fesë mbështetet mbi faktin se vet fuqia e ftesës së vazhdueshme në Islam është më e fortë se fuqia e shpatës. All-llahu I Lartësuar në librin e Tij të fundit Kur’anin thotë: “Nuk ka dhunë në fe” (Bekare 256), kurse në një ajet tjetër thotë: “Thirr (Muhamed) në rrugën e Zotit tënd me urtësi dhe këshilla të mira, dhe polemizo në mënyrë më të mirë. Vërtetë Zoti yt e di më së miri kush e ka devijuar rrugën e Tij dhe për ata që janë udhëzuar” (Nahl 125), “Thuaj atyre të cilëve u është dhënë Libri po edhe analfabetëve: a e keni pranuar Islamin? Nëse e kanë pranuar, e kanë gjetur rrugën, e nëse e refuzojnë, për ty është obligim t’i lajmërosh, All-llahu i sheh robërit e vet (dhe e di se çbëjnë) “. (Ali Imran 20)
    Kjo është esenca e thirrjes Islame, e gjithë kjo është paqe, liri dhe zgjidhje, pa detyrim e pa dhunë. Është e vërtetë e pamohueshme se Islami nuk është përhapur me forcën e shpates, por është përhapur me forcën e bindjes me besimin e thellë të njerëzve në drejtësinë e tij. Po të mos ishte ashtu, si mund të shpjegohet hyrja e qindra milionëve në të nga populli Indian, Kinez, i himalajeve, i sumatrës (Indonezisë), ujdhesave të Indisë Lindore, Afrikës së Mesme? Ose, si besuan miliona njerëz në Rusi, Poloni, Lituani, në Veri të Evropës? A thua kanë arritur shpatat e muslimanëve në ato vende? Në vendet e përmendura Islami depërtojë falë misionarëve muslimanë, jo të armatosur me shpata, po me parime Islame, me tolerancë e bindje. (Dr. Mustafa Shek’a: vepra e cituar, fq.110 në Takvimi 2002 fq. 245 Prishtinë)
    Në lidhje me hyrjen e të krishterëve në Islam pa presion ose dhunë, Tomas Arnoldi në veprin e tij paraqet letrën e patrikut Nastur Isho Iabh III që ia dërgoi Matran Semanit, kryepeshkopi i Farisit. Pasi shpreh brengosjen e tij për konvertimin e shumë të krishterëve Persianë në Islam: “Vërtetë Arabëve Allahu u dha pushtetin e dynjasë, sikur po e shihni edhe ju dhe po e dini këtë realitet. Megjithatë ata nuk e luftojnë besimin e krishterë, por, përkundrazi sillen mirë me fenë tonë, i nderojnë priftërinjtë tanë, kan konsideratë ndaj kishave dhe shtëpive që janë pronë e kishave. Atëher, pse e kanë lënë besimin e tyre populli i Mervit. Përkundrazi ata (arabët) u janë zotuar atyre të mbesin në atë që janë të sigurt (për vetën dhe pronën e tyre), duke e ndarë një pjesë të tregtisë për shtetin”. (Takvimi 2002 fq. 240)
    Në lidhje me këtë çiro Truhelka thotë: “Është mendim i gabuar se Islami është përhapur me dhunë. Ekzistojnë argumente të shumta të cilat e demantojnë këtë. Unë mund të përmend vetëm një, e ai është se shekulli XIX nuk do të gjente asnjë të krishterë dhe asnjë kishë e manastir në Ballkan, sikur Islamizmi të përhapej me dhunë shtetërore”. (Sipas Muhamed Pirraku, tek Dituria Islame nr. 83 viti 1996 Prishtinë)
    Shkencëtari anglez Tomas Karlajn i cili në veprën e vet “Mbi heronjtë”, shkruar në vitin 1840, ka thënë se: “Do të ishte i kotë çdo mendim për këtë botë,po që se e pranojmë se qindra million njerëz jetojnë e vdesin në të për diçka që do të ishte mashtrim, sharlatanizëm dhe intrigë, për diçka që do të ishte e pavërtetë, sepse e pavërteta mund të ngadhënjejë për një çast, mirëpo vetëm e vërteta mund ta ndezë botën, ashtu si e ndezi Muhamedi. Sekreti i fuqisë dhe i përhapjes së fes Islame qëndron në vërtetësinë e saj hyjnore dhe jo në shpatë, në të cilën insistohej në Europë si “argumentin” kryesorë kundër Islamit. Kjo nuk qëndron nga arsye të thjeshta, sepse edhe Islami kur u shpall, ishte zëri i një njeriu: një njeri i vetëm kundër të gjithë njerëzve! Që ai ta marrë shpatën dhe të përpiqet ta propagandojë fenë e vet me të, do të bënte shumë pak punë…” (Ali M. Basha “Islami në Shqipëri gjat shekujve” fq.19)
    Kurse studiuesi i njohur i Islamit, Th. W. Arnold në “Thirrja në Islam” fq. 48 ka theksuar se: “Në bazë të raporteve toleruese të vendosura ndërmjet të krishterëve dhe arabëve musliman, mund të konstatojmë se forca nuk ka qen factor në kalimin e të krishterëve në Islam. Vetë Muhamedi ka lidhur aleancë me disa fise të krishtere dhe u përkujdes personalisht për mbrojtjen e tyre dhe sigurimin e lirisë së shprehjes së tyre fetare, duke ia lënë klerit ato të drejta dhe atë ndikim të cilin e kanë pasur më parë… nga shembujt e përmendur për tolerancën dhe liritë të cilat muslimanët ngadhnjimtarë ua kanë ofruar të krishterëve në shekullin e parë hixhrij dhe që kanë vazhduar edhe më tej gjatë brezave të ardhshëm, në të vërtetë mund të përfundojmë se fiset krishtere që kanë përqafuar Islamin, e kanë bërë atë vullnetarisht dhe lirisht. Kurse arabët e krishterë, të cilët edhe sot jetojnë në mesin e bashkësive të mëdha muslimane, janë dëshmitarë të kësaj tolerance”.
    (Po aty fq. 19)

    Islami ka hyrë edhe në Himalaje, Xhaveta, Sumarta, Brunei, Filipine e vende të tjera në mënyrë paqësore, pa u derdhur asnjë pikë gjaku. Mënyra e përhapjes së fes ishtë përmes tregtarëve musliman, të cilët ishin lidhur ngushtë me banorët e atyre vendeve, ose përmes misionarëve që ishin obliguar t’i shërbenin Islamit. Poashtu në Afrikë përhapja e Islamit u bë përmes misionarëve dhe tregtarëve. Misionarët musliman hasën mirëkuptim tek zezakët kur u tregonin atyre të vërtetat që kishin të bënin me raportin Allah-Njeri dhe se feja Islame është fe e natyrshme dhe e lehtë. Afrikanët përqafonin fenë Islame, duke e konsideruar fe që nuk bën dallim në mes të të bardhit e të ziut.
    Këto janë disa nga shumë fakte e argumente të cilët e konfirmojn se Islami është përhapur falë vetë besimit, dëshirës dhe bindjes dhe jo me forc siç pretendojnë keqdashësit e fes.
    Po të shikohen fetë e tjera, shihet detyrimi i tyre me dhunë që ta përqafonin sidomos fen e krishtere që qe bërë në mënyrë institucionale. P.sh.: “Sharl Leman- mbret I Francës I detyronte të gjithë ata që nuk ishin të krishterë me anë të shpatës ta pranonin krishterimin. Poashtu, Olafi- mbret i Norvegjisë I ekzekutonte të gjithë ata që refuzonin të hynin në fenë e Krishtit nga banorët vikanë (pjesa jugore e Norvegjisë), ose ia këpuste këmbët dhe duart. Gjithashtu, atje ishte një grup ekstrem që përhapnin krishterimin me forcë, të cilët e quanin veten “vëllezërit e shpatës”. (Takvimi 2002 fq. 243)
    Gustav Lubuni në veprën e tij “Hadaretul Arabije” fq. 271 tregon se: “Në Spanjë muslimanët u përndoqen në mënyrë më barbare, si asnjëher më parë në histori, vetëm pse thoshin “Nuk ka Zot tjetër përveç Allahut dhe Muhamedi është I dërguar I Tij”. Këto ndjekje vazhduan deri më 1556 të udhëhequra nga inkuizicioni kishtar. Inkuizicionit iu bashkua edhe mbreti Filipi i dytë, I cili nxorri një ligj, sipas të cilit muslimanët që kishin mbetur në Spanjë, Brenda ditës duhej të braktisnin gjuhën e tyre, traditat e tyre, fen e tyre, emrat e tyre dhe gjithçka Islame. Pas këtij ligji diskriminues, ai nxorri edhe një dekret tjetër, me të cilin jepte urdhër që të rrënoheshin të gjitha hamamet (banjot publike, më se 900 sosh), me arsyetim se ato ishin gjurmë të pabesimtarëve! Kështu, u zhduk civilizimi Islam me largimin e muslimanëve nga Spanja”. (Po aty fq. 245)
    Dhuna e aplikuar mbi jomuslimanët për ta përqafuar Islamin, që u ngjitet vet muslimanëve dhe vet Islamit, është vet shpifje e kulluar pa mbështetje faktike historike. Si përfundim të kësaj teme po e përmbylli me hadithin qëe transmeton Xherir nga Ibni Abasi, tregohet se një individ nga fisi beni Salim bin Avf, i quajtur El Hasin kishte dy djem të krishterë, ndërsa ai vet ishte musliman. Një ditë ai e paska pyetur Muhamedin a.s. nëse e kishte detyrë që t’ia impononte fëmijëve të pranonin Islamin, sepse ata nuk lëviznin nga feja e tyre e krishterë. Me këtë rast Allahu xh.sh., si zgjidhje të përhershme dhe të përgjithshme në kohë e vende të kësaj çështje, i zbriti të dërguarit të Vet ajetin: “Nuk ka detyrim në fe, rruga e drejtë është dalluar shumë qartë nga ajo e padrejta” (Bekare 256) dhe “Ju keni fenë tuaj e unë kam fenë time”. (Kafirun 6)

Faqja 2 prej 3 FillimFillim 123 FunditFundit

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    Përgjigje: 11
    Postimi i Fundit: 18-12-2002, 09:26

Regullat e Postimit

  • Ju nuk mund të hapni tema të reja.
  • Ju nuk mund të postoni në tema.
  • Ju nuk mund të bashkëngjitni skedarë.
  • Ju nuk mund të ndryshoni postimet tuaja.
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