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After Bin Laden: What might come next
By The Associated Press, AP
3 hours ago
After an extraordinary week of events in the United States and abroad, one thing is clear: Osama bin Laden's death at the hands of American forces has the potential to ripple out into global affairs in many ways — political and military, diplomatic and cultural, and of course U.S. national security.
In these dispatches, Associated Press journalists from around the world outline the path ahead in a world without bin Laden.
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U.S. COUNTERTERRORISM
By Eileen Sullivan, Washington
It wasn't long after the stunning announcement of Osama bin Laden's death before thoughts in America turned to new, fearful questions: When will the other shoe drop? Would al-Qaida or its terrorist sympathizers retaliate?
The Obama administration's answer: There's no intelligence yet pointing to specific or imminent plans for future attacks, but its spies are watching and eavesdroppers are listening carefully for any such signs.
Besides, a quick retaliatory terror strike against targets inside the United States is hardly al Qaida's signature. The plots to blow up the USS Cole, bomb U.S. embassies in Africa and crash jetliners in September 2001 took years to plan, finance and carry out undetected. Even smaller-scale, more recent terrorist plots — constrained after more than a decade of anti-terror raids, missile attacks from the skies and financial seizures by government forces around the world — have taken at least months to pull together.
Counterterrorism officials are more worried about the potential for violence by an individual or small group with plans to act alone — especially those with no formal ties to any known terror organizations. And, of course, U.S. targets already overseas — American soldiers, embassies and companies — are more vulnerable to a retaliatory attack.
The FBI and Homeland Security Department warned law enforcement offices to be on the lookout for homegrown, violent extremists who may see bin Laden's death as an excuse to attack. Of great concern are people in the U.S. with violent plans who are strangers to the intelligence community — people like the Pakistani-American accused of trying to set off a bomb last year in New York City.
"We continue to operate under the premise that terrorists not yet identified by the intelligence community and law enforcement may be operating in the United States and could advance and execute attacks without warning," according to an intelligence bulletin issued the day after bin Laden was killed.
Federal law enforcement officers are under orders to review all open cases with potential al-Qaida connections. Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano said extra security will be at some of the country's large international airports, as the aviation industry continues to be an attractive target for terrorists. And, as they already do, if intelligence officials come across someone with known or suspected ties to terrorism, they will add that name to the terror watch list.
Local law enforcement has been encouraged to use closed-circuit televisions to monitor sensitive areas, establish neighborhood watch programs, conduct security sweeps for explosives and do background checks on employees. These are not new suggestions, but counterterrorism officials want to remind the country to be on extra alert in order to stave off potential retaliatory attacks by bin Laden supporters.
"I think that we will ultimately be more safe as a result of his death," Attorney General Eric Holder told senators. "But in the short term, I think we have some serious concerns that we have to be ready to address."
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AL-QAIDA
By Patrick Quinn, Kabul, Afghanistan
The death of al-Qaida leader Osama bin Laden is not expected to cripple the organization held responsible for acts of global terror that included the Sept. 11 attacks in 2001. Nor will his death spell the end of the terror threat.
Always a loosely organized group, al-Qaida over the past decade has inspired a number of deadly offshoots and franchises, including the Yemen-based al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, responsible for training a suicide bomber who tried to down a Detroit-bound airliner on Christmas Day with a bomb sewn into his underwear. It also inspired the Fort Hood, Texas, shooter who killed 13 people and wounded 32 more in November 2009.
Although bin Laden was the spiritual guide for the various franchises now operating in Somalia, North Africa and as far away as the Abu Sayyaf group in the Philippines, he never ran the groups directly. Many of the people he helped train in Afghanistan during and after the Soviet invasion did run their own groups, including the late Abu Musab al-Zarqawi's al-Qaida in Iraq. But they often acted on their own, with little guidance from bin Laden.
In recent years, bin Laden is thought to have had little control of the group he founded. Instead, much of the original group's core operations are through to have been run by its No. 2, Egyptian cleric Ayman al-Zawahri, who is also thought to be hiding in Pakistan.
Although robbed of their spiritual figurehead, the groups that bin Laden inspired are unlikely to be deterred by his death. And unless the raid on his safe house generates actionable intelligence on terror attacks in the planning stages, new acts of terror will take place with or without bin Laden.
Far more worrisome for al-Qaida: the popular uprisings that toppled the authoritarian regimes in Tunisia and Egypt. Unlike the establishment of Islamic theocracies the world over, which is what bin Laden preached as a way to topple the regimes, the uprisings have sought the creation of free democracies.
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AMERICAN WARS
By Robert H. Reid, Cairo
Al-Qaida's attacks in the U.S. on 9-11 plunged America into war — first in Afghanistan where the terror movement was headquartered and later in Iraq, which President George W. Bush described as the "central front in the war on terror." Ironically, however, the death of terror mastermind Osama bin Laden is expected to have little immediate effect on either conflict.
The war in Iraq, which cost more than 4,450 American lives, was winding down long before elite Navy SEALs gunned down bin Laden in his Pakistan hideout. Unless the Iraqi government changes its mind and asks the Americans to stay longer, the last 50,000 U.S. troops will be gone by the end of this year. Even if they stay, the U.S. role has changed from active combat to training and supporting the Iraqi armed force, which still faces diminished threat from al-Qaida and other insurgent groups, some of which are backed by Iran.
Last month, 11 U.S. service members died in Iraq, about half of them from hostile fire. That was the highest monthly toll since November 2009 but still far below figures from the height of the war, when monthly death counts sometimes soared over 100.
In Afghanistan, President Barack Obama had already announced plans to begin withdrawing American forces starting in July, slowly handing over security responsibility to Afghan troops. The U.S. administration has not said how many of about 100,000 American service members will be heading home in the first wave. The White House has insisted that the rate of departures will depend on how effective the Afghans prove to be in fighting the Taliban and its insurgent allies, including al-Qaida.
After more than eight years, however, the war in Afghanistan has become deeply unpopular. The wild card is whether the American public — and its representatives in Congress — will step up demands for a speedy end to the war now that bin Laden is gone.
Mindful of that possibility, U.S. and European officials were quick to declare that the mission in Afghanistan was not over, and that a rapid withdrawal might destabilize the country and enable al-Qaida and other militants to group.
But with nearly two-thirds of the American public already questioning whether the Afghan war is worth fighting, that may prove to be a hard sell in the coming months unless a resurgent al-Qaida is able to mount a major attack against U.S. interests.
"Look, part of the argument against this reduction is that it was reputational, for staying in Afghanistan. `We can't look like America was driven out.' `We can't go away with our tail between our legs,'" Rep. Barney Frank said this week. "Well, we just killed Osama bin Laden, and I think that takes a lot of the pressure away — a lot of the punch away from the argument that `Oh, it will look like we walked away.'"
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PAKISTAN-U.S. RELATIONS
By Chris Brummitt, Islamabad
The killing of Osama bin Laden dealt another blow to already shaky ties between the United States and Pakistan, propelling one ugly question to the forefront: Was Islamabad, a supposed American ally, protecting the al-Qaida leader?
Even if no answer is ever found, the fallout from the raid is hurting the Obama administration's strategy of securing Pakistani cooperation in the terror fight and in creating stability in Afghanistan so U.S. troops can begin withdrawing this year as planned.
The White House and the Pentagon currently say there is no evidence of collusion between senior Pakistan government or security officials and bin Laden. But they say Islamabad needs to explain how he was able to build a home in an army town a short drive from the capital and live undetected, apparently for several years.
If any turns up, the stakes would rise dramatically: Congress would likely halt aid — something many of its members are already calling for — and Washington would demand action against the officials involved, further hindering its goals in the region.
The Pakistan army is humiliated and facing intense domestic pressure for not knowing about or being unable to stop the unilateral raid by American commandoes deep inside its territory. It has threatened to review cooperation with Washington if it launches any other similar operations against senior al-Qaida or Taliban militants still living on its soil.
Even before the raid, ties between the countries had been plummeting against a backdrop of competing strategic interests in Afghanistan. Washington wants Pakistan to attack Afghan Taliban factions sheltering on its soil, but Islamabad has refused to do, not wishing to antagonize what it expects to be an ally in Afghanistan when the Americans withdraw.
Ugly tussles over the fate of a CIA contractor who shot and killed two Pakistanis and deeply unpopular American drone strikes against militants on the Pakistan side of the Afghan border were also shattering what little trust there was between the two supposed allies.
Some hope that American pressure on Pakistan in the wake of the bin Laden raid could lead to a new resolve in tracking down other al-Qaida leaders, such as Ayman al-Zawahri. Arresting him would certainly go a long way toward allaying concerns in Washington.
If nothing is found directly linking Pakistani officials to bin Laden, then ties will likely carry on along the same volatile trajectory as before. Neither side can afford a rupture in relations, no matter how imperfect they are.
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AMERICAN POLITICS
By Liz Sidoti, Washington
The nation is a bit more upbeat, and President Barack Obama's poll numbers are a little higher.
It's temporary. The death of the world's most wanted terrorist didn't dramatically change the contours of the political environment as the 2012 presidential race gets under way.
Obama's re-election race will be competitive no matter who Republicans choose to challenge him; America still is an ideologically divided country in which close elections have become the norm.
The public's outlook remains sour. People are smarting over 9 percent unemployment and $4-per-gallon gasoline as well as soaring national debt and trillion-dollar deficits.
And, for those reasons, the sluggish economy — not foreign policy — is all but certain to be the defining issue of the race.
Even so, for now at least, the president is in a clear position of political strength after authorizing and overseeing the covert mission to get the al-Qaida leader responsible for the Sept. 11 attacks.
He looks like a strong, experienced leader dealing with serious issues. It's a contrast to the muddled GOP field that lacks a front-runner and, to a certain extent, has been focused on other matters that look small by comparison, like Obama's birth certificate.
Osama bin Laden's death did change one part of the nation's political dynamic: Obama answered GOP critics who claimed he was not tough enough to take on terrorists, not experienced enough to be commander-in-chief, not decisive enough to lead a country still vulnerable to attacks.
Now Republicans, who for decades have successfully painted Democrats as weak on national security, face a far tougher task in making that case against a Democratic incumbent.
That could change, of course, if America gets hit again. Obama, as president, would be blamed. And he still faces significant questions about an Afghanistan war that he dramatically grew by boosting the number of U.S. forces.
But for now, Obama — the candidate of change four years ago — has an enormous victory in his pocket as he seeks to persuade voters to stick with the status quo just as Republicans start making the case to reject it.
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THE AMERICAN MOOD
By Amy Westfeldt, New York
From the raucous cries of "U-S-A!" and "We got him!" to a quiet laying of a wreath at ground zero by the president, Americans reeled with a mix of elation, reflection and fear as they struggled to close one stressful chapter and write the first words to the next one.
A cathartic release followed the first tweets and texts that Osama bin Laden had been killed. Thousands crowded outside the White House, in Times Square, at universities and at the Sept. 11 attack site in New York, climbing street signs to sing the national anthem and praise the president.
"We had this 10 years of frustration just building and building, wanting this guy dead," said Lisa Ramaci in New York, "and now he is." From around the country, words like "devil," "snake" and "evil" were used to describe the dead terrorist.
A day or two later, voices became more reflective, concerned that celebrations were too much like tailgate parties and put values of revenge over that of forgiveness. People who lost the most — the 9/11 victims' families — urged restraint.
"To say that I'm happy that he was killed just seems odd, and it goes against my Christian faith," said Deena Burnett Bailey, whose husband died in the crash of a hijacked jetliner into a barren Pennsylvania field.
By week's end, it seemed the country had listened. President Barack Obama had bowed his head and hugged 9/11 relatives at a tree-lined patch of land at the World Trade Center site, in a moment far more contemplative than triumphant.
Parents and teachers struggled to explain the event to children who were too young to know about the terrorist named bin Laden, and the attacks that killed nearly 3,000 people on one single day. Students at the Ivy Preparatory Academy in Atlanta covered their eyes as they watched images of jets flying into the trade center, cried at television broadcasts, as they started to learn about post-bin Laden America.
American Muslims, a community with much at stake, took to the streets in Dearborn, Mich., waving flags and cheering the death. Then they ventured forward with bold ideas for a future after a decade of feeling stigmatized.
"Osama bin Laden is dead," Linda Sarsour, a Palestinian-American, posted on Twitter. "Good, now can I get my identity back?"
In the most familiar ritual of a post-9/11 America, the death of a terrorist brought police dogs into train stations and armed security into airports, and stoked worry that bin Laden's death was not the end — that any attack ultimately brings another.
"We're at the middle of the beginning of the end," David Haas said in the nation's capital, outside the memorial to the Pentagon with his wife and daughter. "We're at war with Islamic terrorism. And we're going to be at war with Islamic terrorists probably for the rest of my life."
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EDITOR'S NOTE: Sullivan covers counterterrorism for The Associated Press; Quinn is the AP's news director for Afghanistan and Pakistan; Reid is the AP's Mideast editor; Brummitt is the AP's Pakistan bureau chief; Sidoti is the AP's national political reporter; and Westfeldt is the U.S. editor of AP's 9/11 10th-anniversary coverage.
Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
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Turkish to Albanian translation
Pas Bin Laden: Ēfarė mund tė vijnė tė ardhshėm Nga Associated Press, Pas njė jave tė jashtėzakonshme tė ngjarjeve nė Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe jashtė vendit, njė gjė ėshtė e qartė: vdekja e Osama Bin Ladenit nė duart e forcave amerikane ka potencial pėr tė jashtė ndihet nė ēėshtjet globale nė shumė mėnyra - politike dhe ushtarake, diplomatike dhe kulturore, dhe natyrisht Shtetet e Bashkuara sigurisė kombėtare. Nė Kėto njoftime, Associated Press Gazetarėt nga e gjithė bota skicė rrugėn pėrpara nė njė botė pa bin Laden. ___ SHBA Antiterrorizmin Nga Eileen Sullivan nė Uashington Kjo nuk ishte e gjatė pas shpalljes mahnitėse e vdekjes tė Osama bin Ladenit para nė Amerikė, u kthye nė mendimet e reja, pyetje tė frikėsuar: Kur do tė bjerė e tjera kėpucėve? Do tė al-Kaidės ose simpatizantė tė saj hakmerren terrorist? Pėrgjigja e administratės Obama: Nuk ka zbulimit duke treguar pėr plane specifike dhe tė pashmangshėm pėr sulme tė ardhshme ende, por spiunėt e saj janė parė e dėgjuar me kujdes pėr ndonjė shenjė tė tillė janė tė eavesdroppers. Pėrveē kėsaj, njė grevė tė shpejtė hakmarrėse kundėr objektivave terroriste brenda Shteteve tė Bashkuara ėshtė e vėshtirė tė al Kaidės nėnshkrim. Komplote pėr tė hedhur nė erė me bombė USS Cole, SHBA jetliners pėrplasje ambasadave nė Afrikėn nė shtator tė vitit 2001 dhe mori vjet pėr tė planifikuar, financuar dhe tė kryejnė pa u vėnė re. Edhe mė tė vogla nė shkallė, parcela mė tė fundit terroriste - i detyruar pas mė shumė se njė dekadė e anti terror-Bastisjet, sulmet raketore nga qielli dhe konfiskimet financiare nga forcat qeveritare nė mbarė botėn - kanė marrė muaj pėr tė tėrhequr sė bashku tė paktėn. Zyrtarėt antiterrorizmin janė mė tė shqetėsuar pėr mundėsinė e dhunės nga njė grup ose tė vogla, me plane pėr tė vepruar i vetėm - nė veēanti ato qė nuk kanė lidhje zyrtare me ndonjė Organizata e njohur terroriste. Dhe, sigurisht, SHBA objektivat tashmė jashtė shtetit - ushtarė amerikanė, ambasadat dhe kompanitė - janė mė tė prekshėm pėr njė sulm hakmarrėse. FBI dhe Departamentin e Sigurisė Kombėtare paralajmėroi tė jetė nė vėzhgim pėr zyrat homegrown e zbatimit tė ligjit, ekstremistėt e dhunshėm tė cilėt mund tė shohin vdekjen e Bin Ladenit si njė justifikim pėr tė sulmuar. Me interes tė madh janė njerėzit nė SHBA nė plan tė komunitetit tė inteligjencės qė janė tė dhunshėm me tė huaj - njerėz si-amerikan Pakistani akuzuar se ėshtė pėrpjekur pėr tė vendosur jashtė njė bombė tė vitit tė kaluar nė New York City. "Ne vazhdojmė tė veprojnė nėn premisėn se terroristėt nuk janė identifikuar ende nga ana e komunitetit tė inteligjencės dhe tė zbatimit tė ligjit mund tė operojnė nė Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe mund tė pėrparojnė dhe ekzekutuar sulmet pa paralajmėrim," Sipas njė buletini tė zbulimit Lėshoi njė ditė pas bin Laden u vra . zbatimit tė ligjit Federal oficerėt janė nėn urdhėrat e tė shqyrtojė tė gjitha rastet e hapur me lidhjet e mundshme tė al-Kaidės. Sekretari i Sigurisė Kombėtare, tha se Janet Napolitano do tė jetė e sigurisė shtesė nė disa nga aeroportet vendit tė madhe ndėrkombėtare, si industria e aviacionit tė jetė njė objektiv tėrheqės pėr terroristėt vazhdon. Dhe, pasi ata tashmė e bėjnė, nėse Zyrtarėt njohura apo tė dyshuara tė zbulimit tė vijnė tė gjithė dikush me lidhje me terrorizmin, ata do tė shtoj se emri nė listėn e parė terrorit. zbatimit tė ligjit vendor ka qenė pėr tė pėrdorur me qark tė mbyllur televizionin inkurajohen pėr tė monitoruar zonat e ndjeshme, krijimin e programeve tė shikojnė lagje, sjelljen shtrihej tė sigurisė dhe tė bėjė kontrolle sfond tė tė punėsuarve pėr eksplozivėve. Kėto janė britma nė sugjerimet e tė reja, por Zyrtarėt antiterrorizėm dua tė kujtoj qė vendi tė jetė nė gatishmėri shtesė nė mėnyrė qė tė largoj sulme tė mundshme hakmarrėse nga mbėshtetėsit e bin Laden. "Unė mendoj se nė fund tė fundit ne do tė jemi mė tė sigurtė si rezultat i vdekjes sė tij," i tha Prokurori i Pėrgjithshėm Eric Holder senatorė. "Por, nė afat tė shkurtėr, unė mendoj se ne duhet tė jemi gati pėr disa shqetėsime serioze qė ne kemi pėr tė trajtuar." ___ Al-Kaidės By Patrick Quinn, Kabul, Afganistan vdekjen e al-Kaidės Osama bin Laden lideri pritet tė dėmtojė tė organizatės mbajtur njė britmė pėrgjegjės pėr aktet e terrorit qė pėrfshiu shtator globalisht. 11 sulme nė vitin 2001. As qė do tė shėnonte fundin e kėrcėnimit terrorist nė vdekjen e tij. Gjithmonė njė grup i organizuar lirshėm, tė al-Kaidės gjatė dekadės sė kaluar ka frymėzuar njė numėr tė offshoots vdekjeprurėse dhe tė drejtat ekskluzive, duke pėrfshirė Jemen bazė tė al-Kaidės nė Gadishullin Arabik, pėrgjegjės pėr trajnimin e njė vetėvrasės me bombė, qė u pėrpoqėn tė poshtė njė Detroit sewn nė avioni nė ditėn e Krishtlindjeve me njė bombė tė brendshme tė tij. Ajo gjithashtu i frymėzuar revole Fort Hood, Texas, i cili vrau 13 vetė dhe plagosur 32 tė tjerė nė nėntor 2009. Edhe pse bin Laden ishte udhėzues shpirtėror pėr tė drejtat ekskluzive tė ndryshme tani operojnė nė Somali, Afrika e Veriut dhe sa mė larg si grup Sayyaf Abu nė Filipine, ai kurrė nuk vrapoi nga grupet direkt. Shumė prej njerėzve qė ai e ka ndihmuar tren gjatė dhe pas pushtimit sovjetik tė Afganistanit e ka drejtuar grupet e tyre, duke pėrfshirė Abu Musab al-Zarkaui ėshtė nė fund tė al-Kaidės nė Irak. Por ata shpesh vepruar mė vete, me pak udhėzime nga bin Laden. Nė vitet e fundit, bin Laden mendohet se ka pasur kontroll tė vogėl tė grupit ai themeloi. Nė vend tė kėsaj, shumė nga operacionet e grupit origjinal ėshtė thelbėsore janė drejtuar nga tė saj nuk-me anė tė janė shtuar. 2, egjiptian Ayman klerikut al-Zawahri, i cili ėshtė menduar edhe pėr tė fshehur nė Pakistan. Grabitur e figurė e tyre shpirtėrore Megjithėse, grupet qė kanė gjasa tė jenė tė penguar tė frymėzuar nga Bin Laden nė vdekjen e tij. Dhe nė qoftė se bastisje nė shtėpinė e tij tė sigurt tė zbulimit gjeneron vepruese nė sulmet terroriste nė fazat e planifikimit, akte tė reja terroriste do tė bėhet me ose pa bin Laden. Shumė mė shqetėsuese pėr al-Kaidėn: kryengritjeve popullore qė rrėzuan regjimet autoritare nė Tunizi dhe Egjipt. Ndryshe nga krijimi i theocracies islame nė tė gjithė botėn, e cila ėshtė ajo bin Laden predikohet si njė mėnyrė pėr tė pėrmbysur regjimet, kryengritjet kanė kėrkuar krijimin e demokracive tė lirė. ___ WARS AMERIKANE Nga Robert H. Reid, sulmet Kairo Al-Kaidės nė SHBA mbi 9-11 zhyt Amerika nė luftė - sė pari nė Afganistan, ku lėvizja terroriste ishte me seli dhe mė vonė nė Irak, tė cilėn Presidenti George W. Bush e pėrshkroi si "fronti qendror nė luftėn kundėr terrorit." Ironikisht, / njė, pėr vdekjen e organizatori i terrorit Laden Osama bin pritet tė ketė pak efekt tė menjėhershėm nė tė dyja konfliktit. Luftės nė Irak, tė cilat i kushtojnė mė shumė se 4,450 jetėn amerikane, u dredha-dredha poshtė elite tė gjatė para 'marinės vula vra bin Laden nė strofull e tij nė Pakistan. Pėrveē nėse ndryshimet e qeverisė sė Irakut mendjen e saj dhe pa dashuri amerikanėt pėr tė qėndruar mė gjatė, e fundit 50,000 SHBA Trupat do tė ketė shkuar deri nė fund tė kėtij viti. Edhe nė qoftė se ata qėndrojnė, SHBA Roli i ka ndryshuar nga luftarake aktive nė trajnim dhe nė mbėshtetje tė forcave irakiane tė armatosur, e cila ende ballafaqohet me kėrcėnimin nga al-Kaida dhe grupe tė tjera Insurgente zvogėluar, disa prej tė cilave janė tė mbėshtetur nga Irani. Muajin e kaluar, 11 tė SHBA anėtarėt e shėrbimit tė vdekur nė Irak, rreth gjysma e tyre nga zjarri armiqėsor. Kjo ishte numri mė i lartė mujore qė nga nėntori 2009, por ende shumė poshtė shifrave nga lartėsia e luftės, kur vdekja e tyre mujore akuza u rritėn ndonjėherė mbi 100 Nė Afganistan, Presidenti Barack Obama, kishin njoftuar plane pėr tė filluar tėrheqjen e forcave amerikane duke filluar nė korrik, ngadalė dorėzimin e sigurisė nė Afganistan Pėrgjegjėsia trupa. SHBA administrata e shaj ka thėnė se shumė prej rreth 100.000 anėtarėve tė shėrbimit amerikan do tė jetė nisur pėr nė shtėpi nė valėn e parė. Shtėpia e Bardhė ka insistuar se norma e Nisjet do tė varet se si efektive afganėt luftuar talebanėt, dhe tė provojė tė jetė nė aleatėt e Insurgente e saj, duke pėrfshirė Al-Kaidės. Pas mė shumė se tetė vjet, / njė, lufta nė Afganistan ka bėrė shumė jopopullore. Kartė e rrezikshme ėshtė nėse opinioni publik amerikan - dhe pėrfaqėsuesve tė vet nė Kongres - do tė shtojė kėrkesat pėr njė fund tė shpejtė tė luftės se bin Ladeni ėshtė shkuar tani. Jemi tė ndėrgjegjshėm pėr kėtė mundėsi, SHBA dhe Zyrtarėt evropiane ishin tė shpejtė pėr tė deklaruar se misioni nė Afganistan nuk ishte e gjatė, dhe se njė tėrheqje tė shpejtė mund tė destabilizojnė vendin dhe pėr tė mundėsuar tė al-Kaidės dhe militantėve tė tjerė tė grupit. Por me gati dy tė tretat e publikut amerikan tashmė ėshtė nė pyetje nėse luftėn kundėr luftės afgane me vlerė, qė mund tė provojė tė jetė njė shitur e vėshtirė nė muajt e ardhshėm nėse njė rilindur tė al-Kaidės ėshtė nė gjendje tė fillojnė njė sulm i madh kundėr SHBA Interesat e tyre. "Shikoni, pjesė e argument kundėr kėtij reduktimi ėshtė se ajo ishte e reputacion, pėr tė qėndruar nė Afganistan." Ne nuk mund tė duket si Amerika ishte shtyrė jashtė. " `Ne nuk mund tė shkojnė larg me bisht tonė nė mes tė kėmbėve tona," "Faleminderit. Barney Frank, tha kėtė javė. "E pra, ne vetėm vrarė Osama bin Laden, dhe unė mendoj se merr njė shumė e presionit larg -. Njė shumė tė shėnoj larg nga argumentin se" Oh, ne dont duken si ajo do tė'"___ Pakistan-SHBA MARRĖDHĖNIET Nga Chris Brummitt, Islamabad, vrasjen e Osama bin Laden dhėnė njė goditje tjetėr e lidhjeve tashmė tė lėkundura ndėrmjet Shteteve tė Bashkuara dhe Pakistani, propelling njė nė pyetjen ballė shėmtuar: Ishte nė Islamabad, njė aleat i Menduar amerikan, udhėheqėsi i al-Kaidės Mbrojtja? Edhe nė qoftė se nuk ka pėrgjigje ėshtė gjetur ndonjėherė, pasojat nga bastisje po dėmton strategjinė e administratės Obama pėr sigurimin e Pakistanit Bashkėpunimi nė luftėn kundėr terrorizmit dhe nė krijimin e stabilitetit nė Afganistan nė mėnyrė tė SHBA mund tė filluar tėrheqjen e trupave tė kėtij viti siē ėshtė planifikuar. Shtėpia e Bardhė dhe nė Pentagon, aktualisht nuk ka dėshmi e Bashkėpunim nė mes tė numrit tė lartė tė qeverisė apo Pakistan Zyrtarėt e Sigurimit dhe Bin Laden. Por ata thonė se Islamabad ka nevojė pėr tė shpjeguar se si ai ishte nė gjendje tė ndėrtojė njė shtėpi nė njė qytet tė ushtrisė njė makinė tė shkurtėr nga kryeqyteti dhe jetojnė dalluar, me sa duket pėr disa vjet. Nėse ndonjė kthehet lart, aksionet do tė rritet nė mėnyrė dramatike Kongresit gjasa do tė ndalte ndihmėn - diēka shumė nga anėtarėt e tij janė tashmė tė bėrė thirrje pėr - dhe se Uashingtoni do tė kėrkojė masa kundėr zyrtarėve tė pėrfshirė, mė tej duke penguar qėllimet e tij nė rajon. Ushtria Pakistani ėshtė poshtėruar dhe tė pėrballet me presionin intensive e brendshme tė thirrura pėr tė ditur rreth ose tė paaftė pėr tė ndaluar sulmin e njėanshme tė thellė brenda territorit tė saj nga commandoes amerikan. Ajo ka kėrcėnuar pėr tė shqyrtimi Bashkėpunimi me Uashingtonin nėse ajo nis operacione tė tjera tė ngjashme kundėr al-Kaidės ose militantėt talebanė tė lartė ende duke jetuar nė tokėn e vet. Edhe para se tė bastisje, lidhjet nė mes tė vendeve tė kishte qenė plummeting kundėr njė sfond tė konkurrojnė interesave strategjike nė Afganistan. Uashingtoni dėshiron Pakistan pėr tė sulmuar Fraksionet afgane Taliban strehuar nė tokėn e vet, por Islamabad ka refuzuar tė bėjė, jo atė qė pret tė jetė antagonized dėshirėn pėr njė aleat nė Afganistan, kur amerikanėt tėrhiqen. Shėmtuar tussles mbi fatin e njė kontraktues i CIA-s i cili qėlloi dhe vrau dy pakistanezė dhe thellėsisht tė papėlqyeshme greva amerikan njeri qė rri kot kundėr militantėve nė anėn e Pakistanit tė kufirit afgan, janė gjithashtu nuk ishte shkatėrrimtar atė pak besim nė mes tė dy aleatėve tė supozuar. Disa shpresojnė se presioni amerikan mbi Pakistan nė prag tė bastisje mund tė ēojė bin Laden nė njė tė zgjidhur tė ri nė gjurmimin e al-Kaidės udhėheqėsit e tjerė, tė tilla si Ayman al-Zawahri. Arrestimi i tij me siguri do tė shkojnė nė njė rrugė tė gjatė drejt allaying Shqetėsimet nė Uashington. Nėse asgjė nuk ėshtė gjetur drejtpėrdrejt lidh bin Laden nė Zyrtarėt pakistanez, atėherė lidhjet ka tė ngjarė tė vazhdojnė sė bashku tė njėjtėn trajektore si tė paqėndrueshme mė parė. Asnjėra nga palėt nuk mund tė pėrballojė njė thyerje nė marrėdhėniet, pa marrė parasysh sa janė tė papėrsosur. ___ Amerikan Politikė Nga Liz Sidoti, Washington komb ėshtė pak mė optimist, dhe numrat Presidenti Barack Obama e anketės nuk janė pak mė tė lartė. Ėshtė e pėrkohshme. Vdekja e botės mė tė kėrkuar terroriste, konturet e mjedisit politik nuk ka ndryshuar nė mėnyrė dramatike si 2012 garėn presidenciale merr udhė. garė tė ri-zgjedhja e Obamės do tė jetė konkurrues pa marrė parasysh qė zgjedhin republikanėt pėr tė sfiduar atė, Amerika ėshtė ende njė vend tė ngushtė pėr tė ndarė ideologjikisht nė tė cilat zgjedhjet janė bėrė normė. opinion publik mbetet i thartė. Njerėzit janė smarting mbi 9 pėr qind tė papunėsisė dhe benzinė $ 4-per-gallon, si dhe borxhi fluturues kombėtare dhe deficite miliarda dollarėshe. Dhe, pėr kėto arsye, ekonomi tė ngadaltė - nuk politikėn e jashtme - ėshtė e gjitha, por disa tė Pėrcaktimi i ēėshtjes sė garės. Edhe kėshtu, tani pėr tani tė paktėn, zėvendėspresident ėshtė nė njė pozicion tė qartė tė forcės politike pas autorizimin dhe mbikėqyrjen e misionit tė fshehtė pėr tė marrė kreun e al-Kaidės Pėrgjegjės pėr tė shtunėn. 11 sulme. Ai duket si njė udhėheqės i fortė, me pėrvojė qė kanė tė bėjnė me ēėshtje serioze. Ėshtė njė dallim nė fushėn muddled GOP se mungon njė kontrabandist-para dhe, nė njė masė tė caktuar, ka qenė fokusuar nė ēėshtje tė tjera qė duken tė vogla nga krahasimi, si certifikata e lindjes e Obamės. vdekja e Osama bin Laden ka ndryshuar njė pjesė e politike tė vendit dinamik: kritikėt Obama Answered GOP cili pretendoi se ai nuk ishte vėshtirė tė mjaftueshme pėr tė marrė mbi terroristėt, nuk pėrvojė tė mjaftueshme pėr tė komandant i pėrgjithshėm jo, vendimtare tė mjaftueshme pėr tė udhėhequr njė vend qė ende tė pambrojtur tė sulmeve. Tani republikanėt, tė cilėt pėr dekada tė tėra kanė pikturuar me sukses demokratėve si tė dobėt pėr sigurinė kombėtare, tė pėrballen me njė detyrė shumė mė tė ashpėr nė kėtė rast duke e bėrė kundėr njė detyrė Demokratike. Qė mund tė ndryshojė, natyrisht, nė qoftė se Amerika merr goditi pėrsėri. Obama, si president, do tė fajėsohet. Dhe ai ende pėrballet me pyetje tė rėndėsishme pėr njė luftė nė Afganistan qė ai u rrit nė mėnyrė dramatike me rritjen e numrit tė SHBA forcave. Por tani pėr tani, Obama - kandidati i ndryshimit katėr vjet mė parė - ka njė fitore tė madhe nė xhepin e tij pasi ai kėrkon pėr tė bindur votuesit qė tė rrinė me status quo ashtu si republikanė tė fillojnė duke e bėrė rastin pėr ta refuzuar atė. ___ Humor AMERIKANE Nga Amy Westfeldt, Nju Jork Nga rreptė brohoritje "USA!" dhe "Ne morėm atė!" Kurorė hedhjen e njė kalė pėr njė tokė tė qetė zero nga presidenti, amerikanėt reeled me njė pėrzierje tė, reflektimi ngazėllim dhe frika e vėshtirė si ata luftuan pėr tė mbyllur njė kapitull dhe tė shkruar fjalėt e para nė njė tjetėr. Njė deklaratė purgativ, Ndjekur tweets parė dhe tekste qė Osama bin Laden ishte vrarė. Mijėra tė mbushur me njerėz jashtė Shtėpisė sė Bardhė, nė Times Square, nė Universitetet dhe nė shtator 11 faqet e sulmit nė Nju Jork, ngjitur shenjat e rrugėve tė kėndojnė himnin kombėtar dhe lavdėrim tė presidentit. "Ne kishim kėtė 10 vjet e frustrimit tė vetėm ndėrtimin e ndėrtesės, qė duan kėtė djalė i vdekur," tha Lisa RAMAC nė Nju Jork, "dhe tani ai ėshtė." Nga i gjithė vendi, fjalė tė tilla si "djall", "gjarpėr" dhe "e keqja" janė pėrdorur pėr tė pėrshkruar terroriste tė vdekur. Njė ose dy ditė mė vonė, u bėnė zėra mė shumė reflektive, Festimet ishin tė shqetėsuar se shumė si ajo e partive derė e pasme dhe vendos vlerat e faljes mbi hakmarrje. Njerėz qė kanė humbur mė - familjet 9 / 11 viktima '- kėrkoi pėrmbajtje. "Unė jam i lumtur tė them se vetėm Duket e ēuditshme qė ai u vra, dhe kjo shkon kundėr besimit tim tė krishterė," tha Deena Burnett Bailey, burri i sė cilės vdiq nė rrėzimin e njė jetliner rrėmbyer nė njė fushė nė Pensilvani shterpė. Nga fundi i javės, u duk se vendi kishte dėgjuar. Presidenti Barack Obama kisha ulur kokėn e tij dhe pėrqafoi 9 / 11 tė afėrmit nė njė copė toke-pemė rreshtuan e tokės nė vendin e Qendrės Botėrore tė Tregtisė, nė njė moment shumė mė ėndėrrimtar se triumfues. Prindėrit dhe mėsuesit luftuar pėr tė shpjeguar ngjarjen pėr fėmijėt tė cilėt ishin shumė tė vegjėl pėr tė dini pėr Bin Laden quajtur terroriste, dhe sulmet qė vranė gati 3,000 njerėz nė njė ditė tė vetme. Studentėt nė Akademinė pėrgatitore Ivy nė Atlanta, ka mbuluar sytė e tyre si ato tė shikuar imazhet e avionėve fluturues nė qendėr tregtare, thirri nė transmetimet televizive, si ata filluan tė mėsojnė pėr Amerikėn e-post bin Laden. Myslimanėt amerikanė, njė komunitet me shumė nė rrezik, morėn rrugėt e Dearborn, Mich., Valėzim flamuj dhe brohoritje tė vdekjes. Pastaj ata ventured pėrpara me ide tė guximshme pėr njė tė ardhme, pas njė dekade tė ndihen tė stigmatizuar. "Osama bin Laden ka vdekur," postuar Linda Sarsour, njė palestinez-amerikan, nė Twitter. "Mirė, tani mund ta gjej identitetin e mia?" Nė ritual mė tė njohur tė njė post-9/11 Amerikės, solli qentė e policisė nė vdekjen e njė, stacionet e trenit dhe aeroportet terroriste nė armatosura tė sigurisė, dhe ushqyer shqetėsuar se vdekja e Bin Ladenit nuk ishte fundi - ēdo sulm qė nė fund tė fundit sjell njė tjetėr. "Ne jemi nė mes tė fillimit e nė fund," tha David Haas nė kryeqytetin e vendit, jashtė pėrkujtimore nė Pentagon me gruan e tij dhe vajzėn. "Ne jemi nė luftė me terrorizmin islamik. Dhe ne jemi ndoshta do tė jetė nė luftė me terroristėt islamikė pėr pjesėn tjetėr tė jetės sime." ___ Shėnim i redaktorit: Sullivan mbulon kundėr terrorizmit pėr Associated Press, Quinn ėshtė drejtori i AP-sė lajmeve pėr Afganistanin dhe Pakistanin, Reid ėshtė redaktor nė Lindjen e Mesme AP-sė; Brummitt ėshtė shefi Pakistan AP-sė byrosė, Sidoti ėshtė gazetar kombėtare AP-sė politike, dhe Westfeldt ėshtė SHBA redaktor i mbulimit 9 / 11 AP 10-vjetorin.
Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. Tė gjitha tė drejtat e rezervuara. Ky material mund tė thirrura qė tė publikohet, tė transmetohet, tė kopjohet ose tė Makfaksin.
p.s. Me faleni ne perkethimin e aretikullit, nuk jam pergjegjes.
.Kjo me pistoleten e ujit qenka e forte fare
.Por ajo qe evidentoj une nga pamjet eshte se asnje njeri nga te vraret nuk eshte i shpuar nga plumbi ne koke apo trup.Sic shikohet ne fotot e meposhteme te publikuara nga the Guardian trupat jane mbi pellgje gjaku mirepo nuk kane asnje shenje plage plumbi ne koke dhe ne trup pervec gjakut qe i ka dale nga goja.nese do benim nje ekspertize amatoreske do mendonim se forcat speciale kane qene shume afer ne aksion dhe goditja me plumb do ta nxirrte plumbin tej per tej trupit ose kokes.Fakti qe ska asnje vrime tejpertej dhe para ne fytyre dhe trup mund te na coje ne nje konfuzion tjeter duke menduar se foto mund te jene te manipuluara.
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