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  1. #1
    Dash...me kembore Maska e Toro
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    Josif Visarionovic STALIN.

    Joseph Stalin




    Josif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili (Russian: Čīńčō Āčńńąščīķīāč÷ Äęóćąųāčėč) (December 21, 1879 - March 5, 1953), better known as Joseph Stalin (Čīńčō Ńņąėčķ; Iosif Stalin is a stricter but seldom used transliteration) was the second leader of the Soviet Union. He was also known as Koba (also a Georgian folk hero; see: Koba). The name Stalin (derived from combining Russian stal, "steel" with Lenin) originally was a conspiratorial nickname; however, it stuck with him and he continued to call himself Stalin after the Russian Revolution. Stalin is also reported to have used at least a dozen other names for the purpose of secret communications, but for obvious reasons most of them remain unknown.

    Stalin is widely regarded as one of history's worst tyrants, responsible for massive repression of his people and for millions of deaths. However, many Russians, especially elderly Russians, see Stalin as a national hero and a great leader.





    Childhood and early years
    Born in Gori, Georgia to illiterate peasant parents (who had been serfs at birth), his harsh spirit has been blamed by some on severe beatings by his father, inspiring vengeful feelings towards anyone in a position to wield power over him (perhaps, it is speculated, also a reason he became a revolutionary). His mother set him on a path to become a priest, and he studied Russian Orthodox Christianity until he was nearly twenty.

    His involvement with the socialist movement began at seminary school, from which he was expelled in 1899. From then on he worked for a decade with the political underground in the Caucasus, facing repeated arrest and exile to Siberia between 1902 and 1917. He adhered to Vladimir Lenin's doctrine of a strong centralist party of "professional revolutionaries". His practical experience made him useful in Lenin's Bolshevik party, gaining him a place on its Central Committee in January 1912.


    Rise to power
    Initially opposed to the overthrow of Aleksandr Kerensky's provisional government in the Russian Revolution of 1917, Stalin was won over to Lenin's position following the latter's return from exile in April, but played only a secondary role in the Bolsheviks' seizure of power on November 7. Stalin spent his first years after the Revolution in a number of senior administrative posts within the government and party apparatus, becoming in April 1922 general secretary of the ruling Communist Party, a post which he subsequently built up into the most powerful in the country.

    After Lenin's death in January 1924, a triumvirate of Stalin, Kamenev, and Zinoviev governed the party, placing themselves ideologically between Trotsky (on the left wing of the party) and Bukharin (on the right).

    During this period, Stalin advanced the policy of building Socialism in One Country, in contrast to Trotsky's theory of Permanent Revolution and prioritisation of revolution in other countries. Stalin would quickly switch sides and join with Bukharin. Together, they fought a new opposition of Trotsky, Kamenev, and Zinoviev. By 1928 (the first year of the Five-Year Plans) Stalin was supreme among the leadership, and the following year, Trotsky was exiled. From then on, Stalin can be said to have exercised control over the party and the country, although this was not complete until the Great Purge of 1936-1938.


    Stalin and Changes in Soviet Society
    Stalin replaced Lenin's market socialist New Economic Policy with a system of centrally-ordained Five-Year Plans, which called for a highly ambitious program of state guided crash industrialization, and collectivization of agriculture. In spite of early breakdowns and failures, the first two Five-Year Plans achieved rapid industrialisation from a very low economic base. Russia, generally ranked as the poorest nation in Europe before 1914, now industrialized at a phenomenal rate, far surpassing Germany's pace of industrialization in the 19th century and Japan's earlier in the 20th.

    With no seed capital, little foreign trade, and barely any modern industry to start with, Stalin's regime financed industrialisation by both restraining consumption on the part of ordinary Soviet citizens, to ensure capital went for re-investment into industry, and by ruthless extraction of wealth from the peasantry.




    Stalin had a vast cult of personality.Stalin's regime moved to force collectivisation of agriculture. The theory behind collectivisation was that it would replace the small-scale un-mechanised and inefficient farms, that were then commonplace in the Soviet Union, with large-scale mechanised farms that would produce food far more efficiently.

    Theoretically, landless peasants were to be the biggest beneficiaries from collectivisation, it promised an opportunity to take an equal share in the labour, and in its rewards. For those with property, however, collectivisation meant giving it up to the collective farms and selling most of the food that they produced at artificially low prices (set by the state) with only the bare minimum left for themselves.

    Collectivisation meant the destruction of a centuries-old way of life, and alienation from control of the land and its produce. Collectivisation also meant a drastic drop in living standards for many peasants, and it faced widespread and often violent resistance among the peasantry.

    In an attempt to overcome this resistance Stalin's regime used shock brigades to coerce reluctant peasants into joining the collective farms between 1929 and 1933 . In response to this many peasants preferred to destroy their animals rather than give them over to collective farms, which produced a major drop in food production.

    Stalin blamed this drop in food production on Kulaks (rich peasants) who he believed were capitalistic parasites who were organising resistance to collectivisation. All Kulaks who resisted collectivisation were to be shot, transported to Gulag prison camps or deported to remote areas of the country. In reality however, the term "Kulak" was a loose term to describe anyone who opposed collectivisation, which included many peasants who were anything but rich.

    Most historians agree that the disruption caused by collectivization was largely responsible for major famines which caused up to 5 million deaths in 1932-33, particularly in Ukraine and the lower Volga region, at a time when the Soviet Union continued to export millions of tonnes of grain on world markets.

    Stalin's regime placed heavy emphasis on the provision of basic medical services. Campaigns were carried out against typhus, cholera, and malaria; the number of doctors was increased as rapidly as facilities and training would permit; and death and infant mortality rates steadily decreased. Education was also dramatically expanded, with many more Russians learning to read and write, and higher education expanded. The generation that grew up under Stalin also saw a major expansion in job opportunities, especially for women.


    Purges
    Stalin consolidated near-absolute power afterwards with the Great Purge against his suspected political and ideological opponents, most notably the old Bolshevik cadres. Measures used against them ranged from imprisonment in work camps of the Gulag prison administration to execution after show trials or assassination (such as that of Trotsky and, some allege, Leningrad party chief Sergei Kirov). Thousands of people merely suspected of opposing Stalin's regime were killed or imprisoned. Stalin is said to have personally signed 40,000 death warrants of suspected opponents of the regime.

    During this period, the practice of mass arrest, torture, and imprisonment or execution without trial of anyone suspected by the secret police of opposing Stalin's regime became commonplace. By the KGB's own estimates, 681,692 people were shot during 1937-38 (although many historians think that this was an undercount) and millions of people were transported to Gulag work camps.

    Several show trials were held in Moscow to serve as examples for the trials that local courts were expected to carry out elsewere in the country. There were four key trials during this period: the Trial of the Sixteen (August 1936); Trial of the Seventeen (January 1937); the trial of Red Army generals, including Marshal Tukhachevsky (June 1937); and finally the Trial of the Twenty One (including Bukharin) in March 1938.

    Trotsky's August 1940 assassination in Mexico, where he had lived in exile since 1936, eliminated the last of Stalin's opponents among the former Party leadership. Only two members of the "Old Bolsheviks" (Lenin's Politburo) now remained - Stalin himself and his foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov.

    It is believed by most historians that with the famines, forced migrations, state terrorism, prison and labor camp mortality and political purges, Stalin and his colleagues were responsible for the deaths of millions. How many millons died under Stalin is greatly disputed. Although no official figures have been released by the Soviet or Russian governments, most estimates put the figure at between eight and twenty million. Comparison of the 1926-39 census results suggests 5-10 million deaths in excess of what would be normal in the period, mostly through famine in 1931-34. The highest estimates put the figure as high as 50 million from the 1920s to the 1950s.


    World War II
    In August 1939 Stalin agreed to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact with Nazi Germany which divided Eastern Europe into the two powers' respective spheres of influence. In June 1941, however, Hitler broke the pact and invaded the Soviet Union in Operation Barbarossa. Stalin had not expected this and the Soviet Union was largely unprepared for this invasion. Until the last moment, Stalin had sought to avoid any obvious defensive preparation which might provoke German attack, in the hope of buying time to modernize and strengthen his military forces. Even after the attack commenced Stalin appeared unwilling to accept the fact and, according to some historians, was too stunned to react appropriately for a number of days.

    The Nazis initially made huge advances, capturing or killing hundreds of thousands of Soviet troops. The earlier execution of many of the Red Army's experienced generals in the Red Army had a severely negative effect on Russia's ability to organise defences. In response on November 6, 1941, Stalin addressed the Soviet Union for only the second time during his three-decade rule (the first time was earlier that year on July 2). He stated that even though 350,000 troops were killed in German attacks so far, that the Germans have lost 4.5 million soldiers (a wildly false lie) and that Soviet victory was near. The Soviet Red Army did in fact put up fierce resistance, but during the war's early stages was largely ineffective against the better-equipped and trained Nazi forces until the invaders were halted and then driven back before Moscow (December 1941).

    Stalin's Order No. 227 of July 27, 1942 illustrates the ruthlessness with which he sought to stiffen army resolve: all those who retreated or otherwise left their positions without orders to do so were to be summarily shot. In the war's opening stages, the retreating Red Army also sought to deny resources to the enemy through a scorched earth policy of destroying the infrastructure and food supplies of areas before the Germans could seize them. Unfortunately, this, along with abuse by German troops, caused starvation and suffering among the civilian population that was left behind.

    The Soviets bore the brunt of civilian and military losses in World War II. Between 21 and 28 million Soviets, most of them civilians, died in the "Great Patriotic War", as the Soviets called the German-Soviet conflict. Civilians were rounded up and burned or shot in many cities occupied by the Nazis. The Nazis considered Slavs to be "sub-human", ranking the killings in the eyes of many as ethnically targeted mass murder, or genocide. The conflict left a huge deficit of men of the wartime fighting-age generation in Russia. As a result, to this day, World War II is remembered very vividly in Russia, and May 9, Victory Day, is one of its biggest national holidays.



    Post-war era
    Following World War II Stalin's regime installed friendly Communist-led satellite governments in the countries that the Soviet army had occupied, including Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, the later "Communist Bloc" allied from 1955 in the Warsaw Pact. Stalin saw this as a necessary step to protect the Soviet Union, and ensure that it was surrounded by countries with freindly "puppet" governments, to act as a "buffer" against any future invaders, a reversal of inter-war western hopes for a sympathetic Eastern European Cordon sanitaire against Communism.

    But this action convinced many in the west that the Soviet Union intended to spread communism across the world. The relations between the Soviet Union and its former World War II western allies soon broke down, and gave way to a prolonged period of tension and distrust between east and west known as the Cold War.

    At home Stalin presented himself as a great wartime leader who had led the USSR to victory against the Germans. Internally his repressive policies continued, but never reached the extremes of the 1930s. Stalin had, according to some, prepared a new wave of arrests and executions aimed at "cosmopolitans," a code word for Jews, in 1953, but died before implementing his plans.

    On March 1, 1953, after an all-night dinner with interior minister Lavrenty Beria and future premiers Georgi Malenkov, Nikolai Bulganin and Nikita Khrushchev, Stalin collapsed. He died four days later, on March 5, 1953, at the age of 73. Officially, the cause of death was listed as a cerebral hemorrhage. His body was left in state in Lenin's Tomb until October 31, 1961. The political memoirs of Vyacheslav Molotov, published in 1993, claimed Beria had boasted to Molotov that he poisoned Stalin.


    Policies and accomplishments
    Under Stalin the Soviet Union was industrialized to the point that by the time of World War II the Soviet industrial-military complex was able to help resist the German invasion. Unfortunately, this had been achieved at a staggering cost in human lives.

    While the social and economic transformations over which he presided laid the foundations for the USSR's emergence as a global superpower, much of Stalin's conduct of Soviet affairs was subsequently repudiated by his successors in the Communist Party leadership, notably in his denunciation by Khrushchev in February 1956. His successors were not, on the other hand, able to wean themselves from the basic principles on which Stalin based his rule -- the political monopoly of the Communist Party presiding over a command economy, relying on force to maintain its position at home and abroad.
    Fotografitė e Bashkėngjitura Fotografitė e Bashkėngjitura  
    "Who is John Galt?"

  2. Anetarėt mė poshtė kanė falenderuar Toro pėr postimin:

    valentinarushit (16-04-2014)

  3. #2
    Larguar.
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    Toro:

    Me pelqejn temat qe keni hapur te Historia.

    Do me vinte mire nese (kur te kishit kohe, dhe po te kishit deshire sigurisht) ta perkthenit edhe kete pjese.

    Me respekt,
    V.

    PS: Poashtu, do kisha deshire te dija burimin e kesaj pjese.
    Ndryshuar pėr herė tė fundit nga Veshtrusja : 02-04-2005 mė 21:05

  4. #3
    . Maska e nausika
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    Degenerate Magazine

    Shume interesant artikulli i meparshem...

    Kam gjetur nje faqe ne internet (quhet Degenerate Magazine) kur behet nje social commentary me fakte historike per disa nga diktatoret dhe kriminelet me me buj...Nje nga ata edhe Berria ose "dora e djathte" e Stalinit...

    Sigurisht includohet edhe Enveri...


    http://www.diacritica.com/degenerate/index.html

    Lexim te mbare

    Nausika
    When in Doubt, Act Stupid!

  5. #4
    Promete (i lidhur) Maska e Kryeplaku
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    Stalini eshte pa dyshim politikani me i madh qe nxorri Bashkimi Sovjetik. Mbase u tregua sadist edhe vrases i miliona njerezve por sidoqfte titullin "i hekurt" (Stalin) vetem ai e meritonte. Gjeti nje perandori te renuar dhe me vendos'shmeri dhe kokefortesi prej provinciali e beri BS superfuqi, arriti te korre fitore kundra Hitlerit, te nxjerre menjane fuqite e medha (Angli, France) dhe te abuzoje me SHBAn. Per vete e vej ne dyshim nese nje udheheqes tjeter ne ate kohe do mundej t'i jepte Moskes, me aq probleme te brendeshme, kontrollin e 2/3 te botes. Por Stalini arriti triumf edhe i vdekur, ai vdiq por la sosite e tij mbrapa. Pra sado problematik qe ishte do mbetet nje mit, dhe mbase per kete e meriton nje "bravo"!

    "Shtetet europiane jane industrialisht 100 vjet para nesh dhe ne do duhet qe ta mbulojme kete distance per 10 vjet" kjo ishte nje nga shprehjet e Stalinit kur morri udheheqjen , 1924, dhe Moska arriti me te vertet industrine europiane ne 1944 (per 20 vjet) dhe e kaloi ate. Ky ishte Stalini -e beri BS nga nje vend bujqesor ne fuqine me te madhe industriale- me te mirat dhe te keqijat e tij. Mbase po te jetonte Machiaveli do e kishte per idhull sepse Machiaveli dikur kishte thene "qellimi shenjteron mjetin", dhe Stalini ishte personi qe pa llogaritur koston dhe mjetin e arriti qellimin e tij!

  6. #5
    Dash...me kembore Maska e Toro
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    Citim Postuar mė parė nga Kryeplaku
    Stalini eshte pa dyshim politikani me i madh qe nxorri Bashkimi Sovjetik. Mbase u tregua sadist edhe vrases i miliona njerezve por sidoqfte titullin "i hekurt" (Stalin) vetem ai e meritonte. Gjeti nje perandori te renuar dhe me vendos'shmeri dhe kokefortesi prej provinciali e beri BS superfuqi, arriti te korre fitore kundra Hitlerit, te nxjerre menjane fuqite e medha (Angli, France) dhe te abuzoje me SHBAn. Per vete e vej ne dyshim nese nje udheheqes tjeter ne ate kohe do mundej t'i jepte Moskes, me aq probleme te brendeshme, kontrollin e 2/3 te botes. Por Stalini arriti triumf edhe i vdekur, ai vdiq por la sosite e tij mbrapa. Pra sado problematik qe ishte do mbetet nje mit, dhe mbase per kete e meriton nje "bravo"!

    "Shtetet europiane jane industrialisht 100 vjet para nesh dhe ne do duhet qe ta mbulojme kete distance per 10 vjet" kjo ishte nje nga shprehjet e Stalinit kur morri udheheqjen , 1924, dhe Moska arriti me te vertet industrine europiane ne 1944 (per 20 vjet) dhe e kaloi ate. Ky ishte Stalini -e beri BS nga nje vend bujqesor ne fuqine me te madhe industriale- me te mirat dhe te keqijat e tij. Mbase po te jetonte Machiaveli do e kishte per idhull sepse Machiaveli dikur kishte thene "qellimi shenjteron mjetin", dhe Stalini ishte personi qe pa llogaritur koston dhe mjetin e arriti qellimin e tij!
    Bravo? Qe coi ne vdekje 50 milione njerez? Qe vdiq urie 2,5 milione fshatare ukrainas? Qe internoi dhe burgosi miliona te tjere?
    Nuk e di ne cfare shkolle studion mor vlla, por zotesia e nje politikani nuk duket ne sa miliona njerez do te vrasi!
    Qe mundi Hitlerin? Edhe kete merite do tia japesh nje injoranti qe nuk merrte vesh nga arti ushtarak?
    Mjere Shqiperia nese neser pasneser bie ne duart tuaja!
    "Who is John Galt?"

  7. #6
    i/e regjistruar Maska e Brari
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    krieplak.. te pata keshilluar njehere qe te lexosh me shjume..
    Mirpo e sho qe nuk ha pyka..
    po te lexosh behesh me njerzor e i shikon me mire gjerat..
    deri tani po cfaqesh si lej fen..

  8. #7
    Promete (i lidhur) Maska e Kryeplaku
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    Toro flamuri i pare qe u ngrit ne Berlin me renjen e Hitlerit ishte komunist/sovjetik (mbi Reistagun)! Saper te tjerat une Shqip fola!

  9. #8
    heretic Crusoe Maska e darwin
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    ehe Kryeplak.. edhe Shqiperine e mori lumi pastaj! Apo ka me shume rendesi ai flamuri i ndyre i kuq ne Berlin ??

    sa te papergjegjshem jeni kur flisni, cudi me ju..
    Prektora

  10. #9
    Promete (i lidhur) Maska e Kryeplaku
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    12-09-2002
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    Citim Postuar mė parė nga darwin
    sa te papergjegjshem jeni kur flisni, cudi me ju..
    Mos e ke fjalen, sa e papergjegjshme qe eshte Historia?



    Problemi i Toros dhe i Brarit -per mendimin tim- eshte se megjithese kane shume njohuri historike i bashkojne ato me ambiciet dhe besimet e tyre politike, prandaj nuk do behen kurre historiane te mire (shpresoj ta marrin si keshille).

    Edhe nje keshille tjeter Toros: kur i perserit fjalet e mija te lutem mos ia hiq thonjezat (nese kane) sepse ia heq te gjithe lezetin.



    Beteja e StalinGradit :

    After the narrow failure of Hitler's invasion of Russia in 1941 the German Army no longer had the strength and resources for a renewed offensive of that year's scale, but Hitler was unwilling to stay on the defensive and consolidate his gains. So he searched for an offensive solution that with limited means might promise more than a limited result. No longer having the strength to attack along the whole front, he concentrated on. the southern part, with the aim of capturing the Caucasus oil which each side needed if it was to maintain its full mobility. If he could gain that oil, he might subsequently turn north onto the rear of the thus immobilized Russian armies covering Moscow, or even strike at Russia's new war-industries that had been established in the Urals. The 1942 offensive was, however, a greater gamble than that of the previous year because, if it were to be checked, the long flank of this southerly drive would be exposed to a counterstroke anywhere along its thousand-mile stretch.

    Initially, the German Blitzkrieg technique scored again - its fifth distinct and tremendous success since the conquest of Poland in 1939. A swift break-through was made on the Kursk-Kharkov sector, and then General Bwald von Kleist's 1st Panzer Army swept like a torrent along the corridor between the Don and the Donetz rivers. Surging across the Lower Don, gateway to the Caucasus, it gained the more westerly oilfields around Maikop in six weeks.

    The Russians' resistance had crumbled badly under the impact of the Blitzkrieg, and Kleist had met little opposition in the later stages of his drive. This was Russia's weakest hour. Only an installment of her freshly raised armies was yet ready for action, and even that was very short of equipment, especially artillery.

    Fortunately for Russia, Hitler split his effort between the Caucasus and Stalingrad on the Volga, gateway to the north and the Urals. Moreover when the first attacks on Stalingrad, by Paulus's 6th Army, were checked in mid-July, although narrowly checked, Hitler increasingly drained his forces in the Caucasus to reinforce the divergent attack on Stalingrad. This was by name, 'the city of Stalin' so Hitler could not bear to be defied by it - and became obsessed by it. He wore down his forces in the prolonged effort to achieve its capture, losing sight of his initial prime aim, the vital oil supplies of the Caucasus. When Kleist drove on from Maikop towards the main oilfields, his army met increasing resistance from local troops, fighting, now to defend their homes, while itself being depleted in favor of Paulus' bid to capture Stalingrad.

    On August 23, 1942, precisely at 18:00, one thousand airplanes began to drop incendiary bombs on Stalingrad. In that city of 600,000 people, there were many wooden buildings, gas tanks and fuel tanks for industries. Stalingrad was heavily hit by air attack; one raid of 600 planes started vast fires and killed 40,000 civilians.

    On August 23, the Wehrmacht was in the Stalingrad suburbs, German tanks reached the Volga river. At that time, the Soviet 62nd Army was not in the city yet. The first attacks of the German panzers were taken by a single division of NKVD and some workers from the city tractor factory.

    When the Germans entered Stalingrad, they saw nothing but ruins. But surprisingly, there was life in those ruins, and that life didn't even think about surrender. The word "surrender" was not even in the vocabulary of Russian soldiers and civilians trapped in the city. Thousands of micro battles erupted all over the streets of what used to be a city just weeks ago. Everybody was fighting, everything was exploding, everywhere was death. Wehrmacht met the toughest resistance in those ruins, and Stalingrad came into the history of WWII as one of the worst experiences for the German army.

    "The Germans obviously thought that the fate of the town had been settled," wrote Vasily Chuikov, the Russian commander. "We saw drunken Germans jumping down from their trucks, playing mouth organs, shouting like madmen and dancing on the pavements." They penetrated to within two hundred yards of his command post.

    Hitler was already claiming total and impending victory (just like Napoleon once, in 1812). It looked like it was over… But it was not. Germans met severe resistance in the streets of Stalingrad. They had to fight for every house. A German general said: "The mile, as a measure of distance, was replaced by the yard ..."

    General Chuikov, the commander of Soviet 62nd Army, threw in every last reserve. Everything that could shoot was on the streets, everything that could fly was in the sky. But his troops were outnumbered and could not stop the German advancement. By the end of November the Wehrmacht cut through Stalingrad, cutting the 62nd Army in two parts. But that still did not mean the end of it. Shrinking and weakening, the Red Army was stubbornly fighting. Particularly severe clashes took place over the Mamaev Mound. The hill changed hands at least 8 times.

    One house in Stalingrad was defended by a single platoon of sergeant Pavlov. That house, known as "Pavlov’s house", became a symbol of determination of Russians to hold the city no matter what. Completely surrounded by Germans, Pavlov’s soldiers were holding the constantly attacked house until the relief came. That intensive fighting was going on for 59 (fifty nine !!!) days.

    In many books on Stalingrad one can find the same quote over and over again. It is a record from the diary of 62nd Army, describing the intensity of fighting for the Central Station in Stalingrad, which changed hands fifteen times: "0800 Station in enemy hands. 0840 Station recaptured. 0940 Station retaken by enemy. 1040 Enemy ... 600 meters from Army command post … 1320 Station in our hands."

    "At the Central Station, a battalion of Soviet Guardsmen dug in behind smashed railroad cars and platforms. Bombed and shelled, 'the station buildings were on fire, the walls burst apart, the iron buckled'. The survivors moved to a nearby ruin where, tormented by thirst, they fired at drainpipes to see if any water would drip out. During the night, German sappers blew up the wall separating the room holding the Russians from the German-held part of the building and threw in grenades. An attack cut the battalion in two and the headquarters staff was trapped inside the Univermag department store where the battalion commander was killed in hand-to-hand fighting. The last forty men of the battalion pulled back to a building on the Volga. They set up a heavy machine-gun in the basement and broke down the walls at the top of the building to prepare lumps of stone and wood to hurl at the Germans. They had no water and only a few pounds of scorched grain to eat. After five days, a survivor wrote, 'the basement was full of wounded; only twelve men were still able to fight'. The battalion nurse was dying of a chest wound. A German tank ground forward and a Russian slipped out with the last antitank rifle rounds to deal with it. He was captured by German machine gunners. Apparently, he persuaded his captors that the Russians had run out of ammunition, because the Germans 'came impudently out of their shelter, standing up and shouting'. The last belt of machine-gun cartridges was fired into them and 'an hour later they led our anti-tank rifleman on to a heap of ruins and shot him in front of our eyes'. More squat German tanks appeared and reduced the building with point-blank fire. At night, six survivors of the battalion freed themselves from the rubble and struggled to the Volga."

    The German air-force, the Luftwaffe, was making up to 3000 sorties a day. Germans were superior in airpower and artillery. To neutralize it, general Chuikov directed his troops to "hug" the Germans, to remain in a close combat so that German commanders could not use air strikes without endangering their own men.

    The city was practically on its own. Red Army could not even help with the replenishments, they just weren't reaching the city. They would have to cross the Volga river under the German fire. The survivors of those crossings said some days the river was red with the blood. The whole battle was a complete nightmare for the both sides.

    The fighting never stopped. It could slow down at times, and then erupt with new energy, any time of the day. With all the technology and equipment involved, there were hand-to-hand fights all over the Stalingrad. Russians practiced night attacks on the isolated German units. They would use knives and bayonets in such a close combat. None of the armies of WWII were really trained for the knife fights, nobody expected that kind of warfare, neither Germans nor Russians. Perhaps, that type of fighting suited fatalistic Russians better then Germans. Germans who fought on the Eastern Front remarked often that Russians found some inspiration in the close combat, and in desperate situations fought with some crazy passion. And Stalingrad definitely seemed to be a desperate situation for Russians surrounded and outnumbered in the ruins of what used to be a city.

    The intensity of fighting can be seen from what one Wehrmacht lieutenant wrote: "We have fought during fifteen days for a single house. The front is a corridor between burnt-out rooms; it is the thin ceiling between two floors ... From story to story, faces black with sweat, we bombard each other with grenades in the middle of explosions, clouds of dust and smoke, heaps of mortar, floods of blood, fragments of furniture and human beings ... The street is no longer measured by meters but by corpses ... Stalingrad is no longer a town. By day it is an enormous cloud of burning, blinding smoke; it is a vast furnace lit by the reflection of the flames. And when night arrives, one of those scorching howling bleeding nights, the dogs plunge into the Volga and swim desperately to gain the other bank. The nights of Stalingrad are a terror for them. Animals flee this hell; the hardest stones cannot bear it for long; only men endure."

    On November 19, a Russian counter-offensive began (coded as operation "Uranus". The Wehrmacht was taken by surprise and could not hold the front. On Novermber 23 the two wings of the Red Army met. The German 6th Army and the 4th Panzer Army, about 300,000 men, were trapped in a pocket 35 miles wide and 20 miles from north to south. On February 2, Field Marshal von Paulus surrendered, with 23 generals, 2500 other officers and 90,000 soldiers.

    Even before Stalingrad German casualties on the Eastern front were over 1.5 million. … Paulus’s army of 300,000 had been squandered at Stalingrad.



    Beteja e Kursk:
    The battle of Kursk was monumental for numerous reasons but will almost always be remembered for being the largest clash of armor, certainly during W.W.II and would not be rivaled until the Arab-Israeli wars of the 1960's and 1970's. The vast area around the city of Kursk presented itself as a target with a salient being formed in the Russian line of defense. Hitler needed a victory that would regain the initiative in the east and declared that Operation Zitadelle as it was known" would shine like a beacon to the world" and would avenge the crushing defeat at Stalingrad earlier in the year, but even he had misgivings about the whole affair. The brilliant armor strategist Heinz Guderian once asked Hitler "Was it really necessary to attack Kursk and indeed in the East that year at all. Do you think anyone even knows where Kursk is?" to which Hitler agreed with him saying, "I know. The thought of it turns my stomach."


    But Colonel-General Kurt Zeitzler insisted that the offensive go ahead and he became the main avocet of the offensive. The facts however were plain to see as a large salient had been created with the capture of Kharkov by the Germans a few months previous in March and was logically the next sector in which to start an offensive.


    The salient was positioned just south of Orel with Maloarkangelsk at the northern base, at the center of the salient was the city of Kursk and at its southern base was Belgorod. The Russians without a doubt knew of the impending German offensive with the massive build up of German armor and troops around the salient and through their "Lucy" spy network in Germany and also from ULTRA codes intercepted by the British and passed on to Stalin. It was obvious anyway that this would be the next German point of attack as the "bulge" presented too tempting a target for the Germans to ignore and the Russians saw this as a catalyst to start their own summer offensive.


    Stalin was intent on attacking the Germans in a pre-emptive strike but General Zhukov insisted on letting the Germans attack first and wearing themselves down on the defenses he had planned. These defenses were of a scale never seen before for a battle and the Russians immediately put the military and 300,000 of the local civilian population to work laying a massive array of tank traps, minefields, anti-tank guns and dug in tanks and other defensive positions in anticipation of the German attack. The minefields were specially designed to channel the armored formations into dug in antitank defenses and it was hoped that the Germans would burn themselves out trying to break through the defenses


    Armour and troop concentrations were also built up by both sides with the Russians amassing 1,300,000 men, 3,600 tanks, 20,000 artillery pieces and 2,400 aircraft. The Germans also assembled a formidable fighting force which was slightly smaller with 900,000 men 2,700 tanks 2,000 aircraft. As well as the three premier Waffen SS divisions taking part.



    The original date for the offensive to take place was the 4th May 1943 but Hitler wanted to wait for the new Panther and Elefant tanks to be ready and a series of postponements followed. June 12th was the next scheduled date but the collapse of the African front in Tunisia also delayed the start of the offensive for a further three weeks until July. On the night of the 3rd July German Army sappers cleared and taped paths through some of the minefields, an extremely dangerous business as the ground was full of metal and the readings on detectors went into a frenzy. This meant that the mines had to be prodded with a bayonet and lifted out and made safe by hand. Testimony to the expertise of the Großdeutschland engineers was the fact that ten men of the 2nd Engineer Company on the night of the 3rd July lifted and made safe a total of 2,700 mines which worked out at a rate of a mine a minute by each man! On the same night the Red Army captured a sapper of the 6th Infantry Division-Private Fermello after a skirmish, who informed the Soviets of the start time of the offensive which was to be at 3am on 5th July. In the Belgorod sector a Slovene sapper deserted and told the Soviets of the date and start time of the offensive confirming what they already knew.


    At 14.45 hrs on the 4th July Stukas belonging to the five Ju 87D Gruppen of Luftflotte 4 bombed an area around Butovo two miles long and 500 yards deep. The attack lasted ten minutes and as the dive bombers turned for home German artillery and Nebelwerfers opened up on the Red Army positions. Hoth's III Panzer Korps advanced on the Soviet positions around Savidovka, Alekseyevka and Luchanino. At the same time at Butovo the Soviet 199th Guards Rifle Regiment were attacked by 3rd Battalion Panzer Grenadier Regiment in torrential rain and the high ground around Butovo was taken by 11th Panzer Division. To the west of Butovo the going proved tougher for the 3rd Panzer Division who met stiff Soviet resistance and did not secure their objectives until midnight.


    Meanwhile II SS Panzer Korps were launching preliminary attacks to secure observation posts for the next days fighting and again were met with stiff resistance until assault troops equipped with flame-throwers cleared the bunkers and outposts. At 22.30 hrs the Soviets hit back with a fierce artillery bombardment which, aided by the torrential rain, slowed the German advance. At this time Georgi Zhukov had been briefed on the information about the start of the offensive gained by the German prisoners and decided to launch a pre-emptive artillery bombardment on the German positions.


    Ten minutes before the Offensive was to begin and the German artillery barrage was to open up, the Soviets launched their own bombardment with 600 guns, mortars and Katyusha rocket launchers belong to Central Front which lasted for thirty minutes. The German response was slow at first but by 4.45am had grown in intensity. In fact the weight of shells fired during this bombardment was heavier than that fired during the whole of the Polish and French campaigns. A second Russian battery opened up but was ineffectual in disrupting German assembly areas and after the war Zhukov, analyzing the battle admitted that both fronts had opened up too early as German armor and infantry were still under cover. However some of General Model's troops were caught in the open and could not start their attack until 90 minutes after their scheduled start time. The Großdeutschland division had made the best progress advancing towards its objective of Oboyan forcing the Russian 3rd Mechanized Corps back to the River Pena.


    II SS Panzer Korps under the command of Paul Hausser progressed quite well using a tactic known as the "Panzerkiel" which was basically spearheaded by the heavy Tiger I tanks followed up by Panther, MK IV and MK III tanks. By the 6th July they had penetrated some twenty miles but had come under increasingly harsh resistance. Losses were high too with the Leibstandarte for example losing on the first day of action, 97 men killed and 522 men wounded.


    II SS Panzer Korps continued on towards Prokhorovka with the 3rd SS Totenkopf leading the advance and smashing all resistance to the west of the town. Their flank however was unprotected as Kempfs 6th,7th and 19th Panzer Divisions (III Panzer Korps) were stalled by 7th Guards Army after crossing the River Donets. The 5th Guards Tank Army were situated to the east of the town of Prokhorovka and were preparing a counter attack of their own when II SS Panzer Korps arrived and an intense struggle ensued with elements of the 5th Guards Army being deployed to halt the advance. During which the Soviets managed to halt the SS-but only just. This sent alarm bells ringing in the Soviet camp and they knew that if III Panzer Korps broke out, the balance of armor would tip in the Germans favor. They decided to deploy the rest of the 5th Guards Tank Army to destroy the SS armored divisions.


    On the 12th July the Luftwaffe and artillery units bombed Soviet positions and the SS Divisions formed up into their "Panzerkiel" formations and were astonished to see masses of Soviet armor advancing towards them. What followed was to go down history as one of the largest tank engagements ever mounted. The Germans contrary to popular belief did not deploy masses of Tiger I tanks which made up a small percentage of the the total number of tanks with the main force consisting of up-gunned MK III and MK IV tanks. The conflict was fought at very close range with main armament and armor bearing little importance as a hit at almost point blank range would mean certain death. The Luftwaffe and Soviet air forces fought dogfights in the sky above but could play no part in the battle below as friend and foe were indiscernible through the dust and billowing black smoke pouring out from destroyed tanks. The battle raged on all day and by evening as the last shots were being fired the two sides disengaged. German losses amounted to over 300 tanks lost with the Soviets losing a similar number.


    German losses, not just from this engagement but from the start of the offensive and losses in men and machine due to the extensive defensive preparations the Russians had made before the offensive had started and the immensely deep minefields which had proven themselves extremely effective had taken a seriously high toll. This along with the extensive Russian artillery and Katyusha fire had also taken a heavy toll on the floundering German divisions.


    The new tanks had turned out a very disappointing show with most of the Mk V Panthers breaking down on the first day due to problems with the complex electrical cooling systems (from a total of 200 only forty were in running order at the end of the first day). The Elefant tanks although a formidable machine with their 88mm gun had also proved a disappointment with Russian infantry simply attacking the 73 ton monsters with satchel charges and Molotov cocktails when they were separated from the infantry with relative ease due to the absence of a hull machine gun as a secondary defenses.


    Although German losses were quite high Russian losses were higher with the 6th Guards Army (which had borne the brunt of the assault) suffering very high losses and by the 11th July the battle hung in the balance. Things did not look promising for the Germans for two reasons.


    The defeat of the Afrika Korps meant that the invasion of Sicily was imminent and units that were badly needed on the eastern front would have to be transferred to the western front to bolster the defenses in Italy. The second reason and more alarming to the German forces at Kursk was the arrival of the 5th Guards Army in the salient.


    When the Allies landed in Sicily Hitler called von Kluge and Manstein to his headquarters and declared that he was calling Operation Zitadelle off. von Manstein was furious and argued that one final effort and the battle could be won. Hitler would have none of it particularly as the Soviets had launched a new counter offensive in the Orel sector. It was decided the Leibstandarte would be transferred to Italy and Sepp Dietrich would personally escort the deposed Mussolini's mistress Clara Pettachi to him after Skorzeny's rescue of the Duce from Gran Sasso. Sepp Dietrich was duly disgusted!


    On the 15th July, Rokossovsky's Central Front struck at the Orel bulge and by 5th August Orel was liberated. The Germans withdrew to the partly prepared Hagen line at the base of the salient. To the south of Kursk the Russians re-grouped and by 3rd August another offensive opened up and Belgorod was liberated on the same day as Orel. The attack forced a 40-mile gap in Army Group South between 4th Panzer Army and Army Detachment Kempf. On the 11th August the last battle of Kharkov began and by 20th August the Germans were forced to withdraw. The Germans from then on would be fighting defensive battles all the way back to the frontiers of the Reich and into the Reich itself.


    Zitadelle had proved a costly gamble which, if one analyses the battle, had a very slim chance of success and one from which the Germans would never fully recover their losses.


    The total number of losses for the whole offensive were put at 100,000 men killed or wounded. The Soviet casualty figures were not released until the end of the communist regime in the USSR and were recorded at 250,000 killed and 600,000 wounded. They also lost 50% of their tank strength.


    Beteja e Berlinit :
    Hitler once said, "The world will hold its breath and fall silent when Barbarossa is mounted." Now the scales of war were against Hitler, and in the summer of 1943 the Germans met with a devastating defeat in Russia at the Battle of Kursk and the German and Italian armies in Africa were destroyed. 1944 found Germany totally on the defensive with the successful Allied invasion of France and repeated loses in Russia. By the beginning of 1945, the British, Americans, and Russians were closing in on Germany. The Russians by the end of January were within 100 miles of Berlin. Hitler resolved to fight on, which resulted in even more deaths and devastation. While the war was progressing, Hitler embarked on a campaign to totally eliminate Jews and other peoples that were not to his liking. Millions were sent to extermination camps such as Auschwitz-Birkenau, Sobibor and Treblinka.



    In April, 1945, the Russians were closing in on Berlin. Hitler demanded a fight to the death and designated Berlin a "fortress" to be defended to the last. The city's commandant, Major General Hellmuth Reymann, calculated that it would take at least 200,000 experienced troops to defend the capital, however the only ones available to make up the Volkssturm (or home guard) were mostly old men, women, and children.

    Berlin, through the efforts of the Volksstrum, was prepared for the Russian offensive. Barricades were constructed and trenches were dug to **** tanks, however Reymann saw the preparations as futile and said, "I only hope that some miracle happens to change our fortunes, or that the War ends before Berlin comes under siege. Otherwise, God help the Berliners!" Despite fortification efforts, the men and artillary needed to defend the capital never materialized. Meanwhile, 1.3 million soldiers of the Red Army stood poised to descend upon Berlin for what Marshal Georgy K. Zhukov called, their "final hour of vengenance." Every man, on orders from Moscow, had been required to swear an oath on the Soviet flag to fight with special zeal for the motherland, the Communist Party and final victory.

    The Russian defeat of Berlin was inevitable for they outnumbered the Germans in men 5:1, guns 15:1, tanks 5:1 and planes 3:1. Yet the battle for Berlin was a unpredictable and bloody; fueled by mutal hate and marked by atrocities. Hitler by this time was talking about armies long since destroyed and had delusions that the British, Americans and Russians would turn against one another. Meanwhile, Stalin believed that whomever raised their flag over Berlin first would be the victor of the war. The Western Allies believed differently and as the Red Army fought for Berlin, they sought to conquer strategic industrial territories for the future division of Germany. The Red Army paid a high price for Stalin's misconception. The casuality rate for the Red Army during the battle for Berlin matched the war-long casuality rate of four Soviet soldiers to one German fatality.

    The Soviet battle to capture Berlin finally came on 16 April and was fought building to building and street by street. By 25 April, Berlin had been encircled by the Russians and on 30 April at the Reichstag was finally captured. At 2:25 p.m., the Russian flag was raised on top of the Reichstag barely before the deadline decreed by Stalin. The city surrendered on 2 May.



    While Germany lay in ruins as well as his dreams of a New German Order, on 30 April, Hitler committed suicide in his underground bunker. When told of the news of Hitler's death, Stalin remarked, "So that's the end of the bastard. Too bad it was impossible to take him alive." With his death, Germany surrendered. Hitler changed the face of the world. As a result of the forces he set in motion, the world was left with basically only two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, which set the pace for the resulting Cold War. It is estimated that at least 40 million people died in Europe alone as the result of World War II along with immeasurable devastation and destruction.



    Tocqueville once prophesized approximately 150 years prior to 1945 that the United States and Russia would soon or later become the two main powers of the world. This prophesy came true following the collapse of Germany and Japan in 1945.

    The United States was probably the strongest nation at the close of World War I, but after the war, the country pulled its troops completely and swiftly out of Europe. This did not occur following World War II. As Eastern Europe was absorbed by the Soviets, Western Europe, under leadership from the U.S., forged a new anti-totalitarian military and political alliance.

    For Russians of the post World War II generation, left a deep mark on the country. The war is an event that left 1 in 3 without a father and the repercussions of the war are still being felt today. For instance, it is still required that every bride place her wedding bouquet on a local war memorial. Following the defeat of Germany, the Soviets, despite enormous losses, were in a politically powerful position. Stalin would see that Russia would never be invaded again. He sought to create a buffer zone in the event the capitalists powers decided to use their might against the country. Winston Churchill summed up the situation in a speech in Fulton, Mississippi in March 1946, "An iron curtain has descended across the continent."






    Mbase fituesit e nje perleshjeje ose nje konkurence munden qe ta shkruajne historine si te duan. Mbase do munden te fshijne shkronjat nga literatura historike por askush nuk do mundet te fshije gjakun e 13 milione ushtareve sovjetik( shiko ketu )!
    Fotografitė e Bashkėngjitura Fotografitė e Bashkėngjitura  

  11. #10
    i/e regjistruar
    Anėtarėsuar
    27-12-2004
    Postime
    1,681
    mir e keni ju po kemi nge dhe nerva te lexojme gjith ato faqe ne anglisht ne

    un mund tju them se kam lindur ne te njejten dit me Stalin vetem shum vite me vone.

  12. #11
    Creator Spiritus Maska e Dito
    Anėtarėsuar
    02-04-2004
    Vendndodhja
    Ne Bahēen time
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    3,882
    Per hir se te vertetes eshte nje nga nacionalistet me te medhenj qe koha ka njohur. Stalini per me shume se 50 vjet u nderua si babai kombit sovjetik, Eshte pra pjese e historise sovjetike.
    Problemi qendron ne faktin e luftes midis dy sistemeve te cilen sistemi bolshevik e humbi kundrejt perendimit dhe mbi kete arsye bota u heq cdo vlere ketyre njerezve qe komanduan gjysmen e botes.

    Dito.

  13. #12
    Dash...me kembore Maska e Toro
    Anėtarėsuar
    26-04-2002
    Vendndodhja
    CALIFORNIA
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    1,404
    Citim Postuar mė parė nga Kryeplaku
    Toro flamuri i pare qe u ngrit ne Berlin me renjen e Hitlerit ishte komunist/sovjetik (mbi Reistagun)! Saper te tjerat une Shqip fola!
    Qe flamuri sovjetik u ngrit i pari ne Rajshtag, nuk besoj se eshte merite e Stalinit, por e atyre 12 milione ushtareve sovjetike qe u vrane ne LIIB!
    Qe luftetaret e kryqezatave vdisnin me emrin e Krishtit ne goje, nuk e ben Jezusin njeri te madh! Qe terroristet e sotem islamike, hedhin veten ne ere duke thene "Allah Akbar", nuk do te thote qe Allahu ka merite se ata vdesin! Keshtu dhe ushtaret sovjetike. Qe vdisnin me emrin e Stalinit ne goje, nuk do te thote se ai e beri luften.

    Historikisht dihet qe Stalini ishte nje strateg ushtarak i hipotezuar. Asnje ushtarak ne historine boterore nuk njihet te kete zhveshur ushtrine e tij nga ajka e ushtarakeve te sprovuar dhe me shkolle. Gje te cilen Stalini e beri gjate viteve te Terrorit te Madh. Humbja me e madhe e ushtrise sovjetike ne kohe paqeje ishte ekzekutimi i 50 mije oficereve dhe kuadrove me eksperience, me ne kryer Mareshalin Tuhacevski si "tradhetare" ne vitet 1937-1938. 150 mije oficere te tjere u internuan ne stepat e Siberise. Perse? Sepse xha Stalua imagjinonte armiq dhe shifte endrra naten sikur do ti merrnin pushtetin.

    Asnje politikan i para LIIB, pervec Stalinit, nuk ka pasur mundesine e sherbimeve te informacionit ndaj kundershtarit ne menyre aq te sakte e precize. Rihard Sorge, agjent sovjetik, ishte atashe i shtypit te ambasades gjermane ne Tokio ne maj 1939. E paralajmeroi Stalinin per sulmin nga Gjermania, por Stalua i besoi Hitlerit. Dhe Sorge nuk ishte i vetem. Agjente te tjere sovjetike gjendeshin brenda ne komanden e larte gjermane dhe perseri e paralajmeruan, por Stalini nuk ua u vuri veshin! I besoi Hitlerit. Rezultati: Brenda 4 javesh gjermanet pushtuan nje territor me te madh se gjithe siperfaqja e Rajhut dhe e territoreve te pushtuara nga 1939 deri ne 1941! Per 4 jave! Humbjet e sovjetikeve? Mbi 1 milion te vrare , 2 milion rober lufte dhe sasi jashtezakonisht e madhe tankesh e topash te shkaterruara. Per dy jave! Sepse xha Stalua ekzekutoi ajken e ushtrise se vet dhe nuk degjoi sherbimet e tija te spiunazhit!

    Sa per luften taktike qe beri BS pas nentorit te 1941,kur gjermanet u ndalen nga dimri, jo nga taktikat e Stalinit, eshte merite e Marshallit Zhukov dhe pjesetareve te tij te shtabit. Beteja e Stalingradit, e Kurskut, riclirimi i Harkovit, mesymja verore sovjetike e 1944 per marrjen e Ukraines perendimore dhe vendeve baltike jane beteja te planifikuara, hartuara dhe ekzekutuar nga Zhukovi dhe stafi i tij. Stalini njehere nderhyri, gjate kesaj periudhe, dhe nderhyrja e toj ne punet e ushtrise rezultoi ne ripushtimin e Harkovit nga gjermanet!

    Plani per pushtimin e Berlinit , u diktua nga Stalini dhe rezultoi ne humbje te renda te ushtrise se Kuqe, ne nje sektor ku gjermanet luftuan me dhembe e thonj. Megjithese pjesa gjermane jashte Berlinit ishte krejt e pambrojtur, Stalin donte me cdo kusht te kapte i pari kryeqytetin, gabim taktik qe rezultoi ne humbjen e kote te 400 mije ushtareve sovjetike. Berlini mbrohej nga 90 mije ushtare gjermane (!!!) perkundrejt 1,3 milion ushtareve ruse! Cdo ushtarak qe do te kishte humbje te tilla ne beteje, do ta konsideronte humbje, jo fitore. Por ju vazhdoni ta ngrini ne piedestal Stalinin!

    Odeon Relax,
    Stalini u "nderua" si baba i kombit sovjetik nga 1924 deri ne 1953....per 29 vjet, jo per 50. Hajvanet si Enveri me shoke vazhdonin ta konsideronin si te tille, sepse pushtetin e tyre e kishin bazuar mbi kultin e individit qe kishte mbjelle Stalini! Po te rrezonin Stalinin , duhet te binin dhe ata! Faktikisht Kongresi i XX i PKBRSS e denonconte Stalinin si kriminel, si brutal e despot!

    Ceshtja me majtistet si Kryeplaku , qendron ne hipokrizine e tyre. Nderkohe qe flasin per "madheshtine " e Stalinit dhe e adhurojne nje kriminel, nuk pyesin per milionat e te vrareve nga ai, apo si pasoje e politikes se tij....Ne kete rast "qellimi e justifikon mjetin".....Vdiqen 50 milione ruse, por ama Rusia u be superfuqi....Kur vjen pune vec tek Amerika.....atehere ndryshon puna....Bushi eshte kriminel sepse ka vrare "100 mije irakiane" ( te cilet nuk dihet a jane aq, por per hir te debatit e zeme se jane), per naften qe e ben SHBA superfuqi!?. Perse ky double standart? ....Sepse fare thjesht....Bushi nuk eshte majtist! Eshte i djathte....Dhe per majtistet, cdo njeri qe nuk mendon si ta, eshte kriminel dhe injorant.

    Pra Bushi, i djathte, "vrau" 100 mije irakene= kriminel
    Stalini , i majte, vrau 50 milione sovjetike= gjeni!

    Llogjika majtiste ne zenithin e saj! "Kamaroste tin!"
    "Who is John Galt?"

  14. #13
    heretic Crusoe Maska e darwin
    Anėtarėsuar
    25-08-2004
    Vendndodhja
    under the microscope
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    1,918
    Citim Postuar mė parė nga Kryeplaku
    Mos e ke fjalen, sa e papergjegjshme qe eshte Historia?
    ups, dolem dhe te Historia?

    ca pyetje per ty Kryeplak, sepse duke qene se ke nje opinion shume te pavarur mund te leshosh driten tende dhe kendej.


    1) A ka patur ndonje plan ish-Bashkimi Sovjetik per sulm ndaj Gjermanise? (e-he, e lexon tamam!)

    2) A ka marre nje ndihme te vazhdueshme dhe shume te konsiderueshme nga aleatet anglo-amerikane Bashkimi Sovjetik (sepse nuk shoh ta kesh permendur) ?
    (drejtohu drejt Archangel, Murmansk)..



    kjo pyetje nuk ka lidhje me historine e ndodhur por ne lidhje me dicka tjeter..

    Sikur komparmata e gjeneral Romelit, ne vend qe te dergohej ne Afrike per tu ardhur ne ndihme italianeve, te dergohej ne frontin rus, a mundesh te konceptosh se sa larg Uraleve do ta mbanin vrapin sovjetiket e tu te dashur?


    Kjo pyetje eshte per kulture..

    Nga e gjen ate patos qe te postosh NJE FLAMUR JASHTEZAKONISHT TE NDYRE si ai me draper e cekan?


    Dhe kjo eshte e fundit..

    Te intereson me teper fati i atdheut tend apo i Rusise?



    Citim Postuar mė parė nga Odeon_relax
    Per hir se te vertetes eshte nje nga nacionalistet me te medhenj qe koha ka njohur. Stalini per me shume se 50 vjet u nderua si babai kombit sovjetik, Eshte pra pjese e historise sovjetike.
    Dhe si eshte kjo pjese e historise sovjetike nen udheheqjen e " Quote: nje nga nacionalistet me te medhenj qe koha ka njohur"?? Sa shume i sherbeu popujve te tij ky nacionalist i pashembullt?

    nje keshille.. mos u ngaterro me fjalet e kryeplakut sepse do te hasesh ne histori politike, jo reale. Une ve bast se ai edhe Leninin e di akoma per burre te mire dhe nacionalist.
    Prektora

  15. #14
    Promete (i lidhur) Maska e Kryeplaku
    Anėtarėsuar
    12-09-2002
    Vendndodhja
    nė realitetin e hidhur
    Postime
    2,202
    Toro faleminderit qe me ne fund zgjodhe te me pergjigjesh me ngjarrje historike (megjithese ofendimet nuk i le perseri, por po ta falim meqenese te eshte bere sindrom)! Shume nga ato qe thua jane te verteta, historikisht Ruset nuk njihen per stratege te medhenje (sidomos kur i krahason me Gjermanet) biles edhe vet Zhukovi ka ber gabime trashanike. Ne rastin e betejes se Berlinit me sa mbaj mend fajin me te madh e kishte njeri nga strateget sovjetik per humbjet e medha, sepse ekzistonte konkurence midis Zhukovit dhe Konievit kush te hyje i pari ne Berlin (megjithate do duhet t'i hedh nje sy ceshtjes per te qene 100% i sigurte). Sidoqofte, dinakeria, kokefortesia dhe intrigat e Stalinit i dhane BS fuqi qe zore do fitonte me ndonje udheheqes tjeter! Rreziku sovjetik ose ndryshe rreziku i kuq per boten erdhi qe ne momentin qe udheheqjen e Moskes e morri Stalini. Pra Stalini me politiken e tij te jashtme u tregua nje nga personalitetet me te medha te shekullit, mbi themelet qe vuri ai do bazohet gjithe fuqia dhe prioriteti sovjetik deri ne renjen e sistemit dipolar. Tani saper ushtaret sovjetik nuk ma ha mendja se beson me te vertet se vdiqen te gjithe per Stalinin!

    Nje pyetje : enciklopedite shkruajne se LIIB i kushtoi BS 20 milione viktima, ti na thua se 50 milione te tjere i vrau Stalini, atehere sa popullsi i mbeti BS?

  16. #15
    Dash...me kembore Maska e Toro
    Anėtarėsuar
    26-04-2002
    Vendndodhja
    CALIFORNIA
    Postime
    1,404
    Qe nga janari i 1924 deri ne mars 1953 VETE ruset thone se si pasoje e politikes se Stalinit u vrane, vdiqen nga uria, u internuan ne kampet e punes (gulag) dhe vdiqen nga kushtet e renda, nga semundjet etj 50 milione njerez!

    Vetem si pasoje e kolektivizmit dhe marrjes ne dhune grurit fshatareve , vetem ne Ukraine vdiqen 2,5 milione njerez ( pa permendur republikat e tjera ruse).

    Kombesi te tera u zhduken nga faqja e dheut, dhe ata qe mbijeteuan u degdisen stepave te Siberise. Nga te fillosh e nga te mbarosh....Te flasesh per genocidin ndaj kozakeve te Donit, nga ceceneve, ndaj azerve e turkemeneve?

    1 milione ushtare ruse, qe luftuan kunder Ushtrise se Kuqe, gjate LIIB, u kapen rob nga aleatet dhe iu dorezuan Stalinit pas lufte. Nga ata mbijetuan vetem 5 mije te tregojne tmerret e kryera nga Stalini.

    Nga 90 mije ushtare gjermane rober lufte te Stalingradit, vetem 4 500 arriten te ktheheshin gjalle ne Gjermani, ne 1989!!!! Te tjeret vdiqen nga torturat, nga uria e semundjet.

    Megjithate, historianet flasin me mire sesa une:
    Taking Stalin's Crimes Seriously



    I read Leonie Bronstein's fascinating article "Stalin's Legacy" with great interest.

    We do not take Stalin's crimes seriously in this country. While Le Monde publishes a pull-out supplement and the anniversary features on the front pages of most Eastern European papers, here there is a distracted silence save for a SBS documentary. While some readers may find a comparison with Hitler offensive, Stalin actually killed more than 8 times as many people as Hitler's concentration camps. Alexander Yakovlev, an expert on Stalin's crimes, estimates that his victims totalled more than 130 million. To give some idea of the scale of this: Stalin's body count is the equivalent 35,000 11 Septembers. Yes, Stalin played a very minor role in defeating Nazism, but so would any Russian leader who had been attacked by the Reich.

    One anecdote will have to suffice to give some sense of Stalin's contempt for human life. His wife Nadezhda began in the early 1930s to teach courses in textile production in an attempt to escape the misery of life in the Kremlin. She and her students carried out assignments in the Russian countryside, where she witnessed the degeneration of the peasantry because of Stalin's policy of forced seizures. According to the revered Marxist and Trotskyite historian Robert Conquest, 35 million people starved to death, and cannibalism became rife. Nadezhda's students were so shocked that they insisted on reporting back to the great leader Stalin. They did, and Stalin had them all arrested and executed for "sedition". Stalin had his wife murdered not long afterwards.

    I don't raise this only in order to provide a diverting history lesson. I raise it because Stalinism lives. Nazism is now a movement confined to the outer fringes of politics, yet Stalinists still control several countries and rule over a greater population than George Bush. Even after 50 years, the malign ideology of "Uncle Joe" has yet to join him in the grave.

    Peter Hartnell
    "Who is John Galt?"

  17. #16
    i/e regjistruar
    Anėtarėsuar
    06-09-2004
    Postime
    253
    Citim Postuar mė parė nga darwin
    ups, dolem dhe te Historia?

    ca pyetje per ty Kryeplak, sepse duke qene se ke nje opinion shume te pavarur mund te leshosh driten tende dhe kendej.


    1) A ka patur ndonje plan ish-Bashkimi Sovjetik per sulm ndaj Gjermanise? (e-he, e lexon tamam!)

    2) A ka marre nje ndihme te vazhdueshme dhe shume te konsiderueshme nga aleatet anglo-amerikane Bashkimi Sovjetik (sepse nuk shoh ta kesh permendur) ?
    (drejtohu drejt Archangel, Murmansk)..



    kjo pyetje nuk ka lidhje me historine e ndodhur por ne lidhje me dicka tjeter..

    Sikur komparmata e gjeneral Romelit, ne vend qe te dergohej ne Afrike per tu ardhur ne ndihme italianeve, te dergohej ne frontin rus, a mundesh te konceptosh se sa larg Uraleve do ta mbanin vrapin sovjetiket e tu te dashur?


    Kjo pyetje eshte per kulture..

    Nga e gjen ate patos qe te postosh NJE FLAMUR JASHTEZAKONISHT TE NDYRE si ai me draper e cekan?


    Dhe kjo eshte e fundit..

    Te intereson me teper fati i atdheut tend apo i Rusise?





    Dhe si eshte kjo pjese e historise sovjetike nen udheheqjen e " Quote: nje nga nacionalistet me te medhenj qe koha ka njohur"?? Sa shume i sherbeu popujve te tij ky nacionalist i pashembullt?

    nje keshille.. mos u ngaterro me fjalet e kryeplakut sepse do te hasesh ne histori politike, jo reale. Une ve bast se ai edhe Leninin e di akoma per burre te mire dhe nacionalist.
    dhe sikur te mos mjaftonin keto kemi dhe te tjera:
    http://www.zundelsite.org/english/je...lin/index.html
    ....

  18. #17
    i/e regjistruar Maska e Xhuxhumaku
    Anėtarėsuar
    19-11-2003
    Vendndodhja
    sopr'un'curva
    Postime
    13,379

    Cili ishte njeriu qė zgjidhte femrat pėr Sekretarin e Parė

    Botohet ditari personal i Nikita Hrushovit nė shqip: Drekat familjare me Stalinin, miqėsia me bashkėshorten dhe fjalėt e mira tė saj, qė mė ndihmuan tė bėja karrierė. Si nisi shthurja nė Partinė Komuniste tė BS, veset qė dėmtuan imazhin te populli rus dhe intrigat nė Kremlin

    KUJTIMET/ Vijnė nė shqip shėnimet personale tė udhėheqėsit tė Bashkimit Sovjetik, qė rrėzoi mitin e “baba Stalinit”

    Hrushovi: Si vdiq gruaja e Stalinit

    Lajmi i papritur pėr vdekjen e Nadjezhda Sergejevna Allillujevės, versioni zyrtar dhe dyshimet qė lindėn nė Kremlin

    Frekuentimi i drekave nė apartamentin e Stalinit ishte i kėndshėm, gjersa ishte gjallė Nadjezhda Sergejevna. Ajo ishte njeri me partishmėri tė lartė dhe nė tė njėjtėn kohė njė zonjė shtėpie shumė mikpritėse… Nė vigjilje tė vdekjes sė saj po zhvilloheshin festimet e tetorit… Nė shesh vazhdonin parakalimet, ndėrkohė unė ndodhesha afėr Mauzoleumit tė Leninit, nė grupin e aktivistėve. Allillujeva (e shoqja e Stalinit) ndodhej afėr meje dhe ne po bisedonim. Koha ishte e freskėt, kurse Stalini, i cili ndodhej nė tribunėn e Mauzoleumit, ishte me kapotė (gjithnjė nė kėtė pėriudhė ai e vishte atė). Kopsat i mbante tė zbėrthyera dhe cepat e kapotės ishin tė hapur. Papritur filloi era. Nadjezhda Sergejevna Allillujeva, duke e vėshtruar Stalinin, tha: “Ja, im shoq, nuk e paska vėnė shallin, do tė ftohet pėrsėri dhe do tė zėrė shtratin”. Kjo pėrkudesje ishte tepėr familjare dhe nuk kishte tė bėnte me pėrfytyrimin nė ndėrgjegjen time tė Stalinit si njeri i madh, si udhėheqės.

    Mė pas mbaroi parakalimi dhe tė tėrė u shpėrndamė. Mirėpo tė nesėrmen Kaganoviēi mblodhi sekretarėt e komiteteve tė partisė pėr rajonin e Moskės dhe u tha se pa pritur e pa kujtuar kishte vdekur Nadjezhda Seregejevna. Atėherė mė lindi pyetja: “Si ka mundėsi tė ketė ndodhur? Me tė kisha biseduar njė ditė mė parė. E qeshur, e hijshme, e tillė dukej ajo”. Sinqerisht mė erdhi keq: “Po ē’tė bėsh, gjithēka mund tė ndodhė, njerėzit edhe vdesin…”. Pas njė apo dy ditėsh pėrsėri na mblodhi Kaganoviēi dhe na theksoi: “Po ju transmetoj porosinė e Stalinit. Ai mė ka urdhėruar t’ju them se Allillujeva nuk ka vdekur nga sėmundja, por ka vrarė veten. Kjo ėshtė e gjitha”. Shkakun e vdekjes, natyrisht, qė nuk na e tha. Ajo kishte vrarė veten dhe kaq. Atė e varrosėm, kurse Stalini e shoqėroi gjer nė varreza. Nga fytyra dukej se e kishte pėrjetuar me shumė dhimbje ngjarjen dhe kishte qarė pėr tė.

    Mė vonė, pas vdekjes sė Stalinit, unė e mora vesh shkakun e ndarjes nga jeta tė Nadjezhda Sergejevnės. Pėr tė ekzistojnė dokumente. Kur e pyetėm Vllasikun, shefin e rojeve personale tė Stalinit se cili kishte qenė shkaku qė e shpuri nė vetvėrasje Nadjezhda Sergejevnėn, ai na rrėfeu: “Pas paradės, si gjithnjė, tė tėrė shkuam pėr drekė tek Voroshillovi. Ai kishte nė Kremlin njė apartament tė madh. Disa herė dhe mua mė kishte rastisur tė haja drekė atje. Tek ai mblidhej njė rreth i ngushtė njerėzish: komandanti i paradės, me sa mbaj mend, atėherė ishte Korku, ndėrsa i ngarkuar pėr paradėn ishte komisari i Mbrojtjes, Voroshillovi, si edhe disa nga anėtarėt e Byrosė, mė tė afėrtit pėr Stalinin, qė kishin ardhur direkt nga Sheshi i Kuq. Nė atė kohė paradat zgjasnin shumė. Ashtu siē ndodhte nė raste tė tilla, atje hėngrėn e pinė si s’ka mė mirė. Nadjezhda nuk u ndodh aty. Tė tėrė u shpėrndanė, edhe Stalini u largua. Por ai nuk u kthye nė shtėpi. Nadjezhda filloi tė shqetėsohej se ku kishte vajtur Stalini. Ajo filloi ta kėrkojė nėpėrmjet telefonit dhe para sė gjithash i telefonoi vilės.

    Nė atė kohė ata jetonin nė Zuballov, por jo atje ku kishte jetuar Mikojani, por nė anėn tjetėr tė rrėpirės. Nė telefon doli dezhurni dhe Nadjezhda Sergejevna e pyeti: “Ku ėshtė shoku Stalin?”- “Shoku Stalin ėshtė kėtu”. – “Kush ėshtė me tė?” – Ai iu pėrgjegj: “Me tė ėshtė e shoqja e Gusevit”. Tė nesėrmen nė mėngjes, kur Stalini u kthye, e shoqja kishte vdekur. Gusevi ishte ushtarak dhe kishte asistuar nė drekėn tek Voroshillovi. Kur ishte larguar Stalini, e kishte marrė me vete tė shoqen e tij. Unė nuk e kisha parė ndonjėherė, por Mikojani mė ka treguar se ishte shumė e bukur. Kur Vllasiku na e pėrshkroi ngjarjen, ai e komentoi kėshtu: “Dreqi e merr vesh. Dezhurni u tregua fare budalla; ajo e pyeti dhe ai ia tha copė”.

    Por qė nė atė kohė filluan tė qarkullojnė thashetheme tė turbullta se vetė Stalini e kishte vrarė tė shoqen. Edhe unė i kisha dėgjuar. Me sa dukej edhe atij i kishin rėnė nė vesh. Astėherė ēekistėt me siguri qė i kishin mbajtur shėnim dhe ia kishin raportuar Stalinit. Mė pas njerėzit thanė se Stalini ishte futur nė dhomėn e gjumit dhe e kishte gjetur tė vdekur Nadjezhda Sergejevnėn. Ai nuk kishte hyrė vetė, por me Voroshillovin. Vėshtirė ėshtė tė thuash sesi kishte ndodhur. Por pėrse duhej futur papritur nė dhomėn e gjumit bashkė me Voroshillovin? Meqenėse ai mori me vete dėshmitar, kjo do tė thoshte se e dinte qė ajo nuk ishte gjallė. Me njė fjalė, kjo ēėshtje gjer mė sot ka mbetur e errėt.

    SHTHURJA

    Beria, njeriu qė zgjidhte femrat pėr Sekretarin e Parė

    Nė pėrgjithėsi unė pak e njihja jetėn familjare tė Stalinit. Pėr tė mund tė flisja vetėm nga drekat, kur ftohesha, si edhe nga replikat e veēanta qė shkėmbeheshin. Njė herė, kur ishte i pirė, Stalinit iu kujtua ngjarja dhe tha: “Ndodhte qė unė e mbyllja nė dhomėn e gjumit, kurse ajo e godiste derėn me grushta dhe bėrtiste: “Ti je njeri i padurueshėm. Me ty ėshtė e pamundur tė jetosh!”. Ai mė ka treguar se kur Svjetllana (e bija) ishte e vogėl, ajo zemėrohej dhe pėrsėriste fjalėt e tė ėmės: “Ti je njeri i padurueshėm!” Dhe shtonte: “Unė do tė akohem kundėr teje. – “Kujt do t’i ankohesh?” – “Guzhinjerit”. Sipas vogėlushes, ai ishte personi mė i rėndėsishėm.

    Pas vdekjes sė Nadjezhda Sergejevnės, njė farė kohe tek Stalini kam ndeshur njė femėr tė bukur e tė re, njė kaukaziane tė vėrtetė. Ajo pėrpiqej tė mos binte nė sy: mjaftonte qė Stalini t’ia bėnte me shenjė dhe ajo zhdukej menjėherė. Mė pas mė thanė se ishte edukatorja e Svjetllanės. Por kjo nuk zgjati shumė dhe ajo nuk u pa mė. Nga njė koment i Berias unė e kuptova se ai ishte tutor i saj. Ai dinte t’i zgjidhte “edukatoret”.

    Pėr Allillujevėn mė vinte keq thjesht si njeri, sepse ishte grua e mrekullueshme. Kur studionte nė Akademinė e Industrisė nė degėn e tekstilit, ajo u bė njė specialiste e zonja, njė kimiste pėr fillin sintetik dhe u zgjodh sekretare e gruporganizatės. Shpesh vinte tek unė pėr tė saktėsuar formulimet e ndryshme. Nė raste tė tilla gjithmonė mendoja: ajo do tė vejė nė shtėpi dhe do t’i tregojė Stalinit pėr sqarimet e mia… Viniēenko ka shkruar tregimin “Pinja”. Ky Pinja na ishte zgjedhur i parė nė njė burg, prandaj merrte vendimet pėr tėrė tė burgosurit. Edhe mua mė zgjodhėn sekretar tė komitetit tė partisė nė akademi dhe fillova ta ndjej veten si Pinja, por asnjėherė nuk pėrtoja ta sqaroja Nadjezhda Sergejevnėn pėr kėtė apo atė problem. Ajo ishte shumė e thjeshte edhe nė jetė. Nė akademi vinte me tramvaj, largohej bashkė me tė tjerėt dhe asnjėherė nuk e prezantonte veten si “gruaja e njeriut tė madh”. Mirėpo ja qė ekziston njė e vėrtetė e lashtė: “Shpesh fati i keq na i merr njerėzit mė tė mirė.”

    NDIKIMI/ Nikita Hrushovi pranon se ishte vetė Stalini ai qė e kishte ndihmuar tė bėnte karrierė

    Miqėsia me Allillujevėn, sekreti i ngjitjes nė parti

    Stalini mė pėlqente edhe nė familjen e vet, kur takohesha me tė gjatė drekave. Nganjėherė gjatė bisedave nė ambientin familjar vija re se ai bėnte humor. Shakatė e tij mė dukeshin tė pazakonta. Unė e adhuroja personalitetin e tij dhe shaka nuk prisja nga ai, prandaj ky humor mė dukej i jashtėzakonshėm: po bėnte shaka njeriu jo i kėsaj bote.

    Tashmė shpesh kam theksuar se ai mė pėrmendte fakte nga puna nė akademi, ndėrkohė qė habitesha se nga i dinte kėto hollėsi. Me sa dukej, atė e informonte Nadjezhda Sergejevna rreth veprimtarisė sė organizatės sė partisė nė akademinė e industrisė, nė kohėn kur studioja atje dhe drejtoja organizatėn e partisė. Mbase ajo mė paraqiste si njė veprimtar politik tė aftė, prandaj edhe Stalini mė njohu nėpėrmjet saj. Nė fillim ngritjen time nė parti nė Moskė ia dedikoja Kaganoviēit, sepse ai mė njihte shumė mirė qė nė Ukrainė, ku pikėrisht ishim njohur nė ditėt e para tė Rvolucionit tė Shkurtit.

    Mė pas unė nxorra pėrfundimin se ngritja ime nė pėrgjegjėsi nuk ishte interesimi i Kaganoviēit, por, para sė gjithash, ishte ndėrhyrja e Stalinit, gjė qė i ishte imponuar Kaganoviēit. Me siguri qė Nadjezhda Sergejevna, e thėnė hapur, do tė mė ketė lėvduar pa masė para Stalinit.

    Mua mė pėlqente familja e tyre. Tek Stalini kam takuar plakun Allillujev dhe tė shoqen, gjithashtu njė grua e moshuar. Aty ftohej edhe Redensi me tė shoqen, motrėn e madhe tė Nadjezhda Sergejevnės, Anėn dhe tė vėllanė e saj, qė gjithashtu mė pėlqente shumė. Ai ishte i ri nė moshė dhe komandant nė ushtri, nuk mė kujtohet mirė, nė artileri apo nė njėsitė tankiste… Ato ishin dreka familjare, tepėr tė shpenguara dhe plot humor etj. Nė raste tė tilla Stalini tregohej shumė i njerėzishėm, gjė qė mė imponohej edhe mua. Ky qėndrim mė bėnte qė tė shfaqja akoma mė shumė respekt pėr tė, edhe si personalitet politik, qė nuk kishte njė tė dytė nė rrethin e vet, por dhe pėr thjeshtėsinė e tij, ndonėse atėherė isha gabuar. Tani e shoh se mjaft gjėra nuk i kisha kuptuar. Me tė vėrtetė Stalini ishte njeri i madh, i cili qėndronte shumė mė lart se tė tjerėt, kėtė gjė e pohoj edhe sot. Por njėkohėsisht ishte artist dhe jezuit, i aftė nė interpretim, pėr tė treguar veten e vet nė aspektin e dėshiruar.

    KONSTATIMI/ Partia Komuniste, vetėm fasada e pushtetit qė kontrollohej totalisht nga Drejtoria Politike e Shtetit

    Ēekistėt, drejtuesit e vėrtetė tė BRSS

    Kur fillova nė janar tė vitit 1931 detyrėn e sekretarit nė Moskė, u mbajt konferenca e partisė pėr rajonin. Nė atė kohė konferenca tė tilla mbaheshin njė herė nė 6 muaj ose njė herė nė vit. Nė kėtė konferencė unė u zgjodha sekretar i Komitetit tė Partisė pėr Rajonin e Baumanskut, ndėrsa Korotēenko u zgjodh kryetar i Kėshilli tė Rajonit. Sekretar i organizatės bazė nė Komitetin e Partisė u zgjodh shoku Trejvas, njeri shumė i mirė. Sektorin e agjitacionit masiv e drejtonte shoku Rozov, gjithashtu njeri shumė i aftė nė detyrė. Pastaj kishim dhe shokun Shēurov, karriera e tė cilit nuk mė kujtohet mirė, nėse u mbyll me arrest, apo me vetėvrasje nė Siberi, nė vitin 1937.

    Nė vitet 20 Trejvasi u bė shumė i njohur si aktivist i komsomolit (i rinisė). Ai ishte shok i Sasha Bezimjenskit. Tė dy ata ishin aktivistė tė Organizatės sė Komsomolit pėr Moskėn. Trejvasi ishte shumė i aftė, punėtor dhe i menēur. Por qysh atėherė mua mė kishte paralajmėruar Kaganoviēi se ai paskėsh njė cen politik. Kohė mė parė, kur ishte ashpėrsuar lufta me trockistėt, ai paska nėnshkruar tė ashtuquajturėn “Deklaratė tė 93 komsomolasve” nė pėrkrahje tė Trockit. Gjitashtu edhe Bezimjenski e kishte nėnshkruar atė. “Prandaj, - theksoi Kaganoviēi, - duhet tė ruhesh, megjithėse tashmė Trejvasi qėndron nė pozita tė forta partishmėrie, nuk ka shfaqje tė dyshimta dhe Komiteti Qendror e rekomandon si drejtues partie”.

    Sot, kur kanė kaluar kaq vjet, dua tė them se Trejvasi punonte shumė mirė, ishte besnik dhe i shkathėt. Ai ishte njė drejtues i menēur dhe unė isha shumė i kėnaqur prej tij. Por me tė punova pėr pak kohė, sepse mė pas mė zgjodhėn sekretar tė Komitetit tė Partisė pėr Rajonin Krasnaja Presnja. Kjo konsiderohej ngritje nė pėrgjegjėsi, sepse Krasnaja Presnja zinte njė pozicion mė tė lartė politik sesa rajoni i Baumanskut, sidomos po t’i referoheshe tė kaluarės sė lavdishme tė saj si vatėr e kryengritjes sė dhjetorit tė vitit 1905. Organizata e partisė e rajonit Krasnaja Presnja ishte pararojė e organizatės sė partisė pėr tė gjithė Moskėn. Trejvasi mbeti nė rajonin e Baumanskut, ku, me sa mbaj mend, sekretar i komitetit tė partisė u zgjodh Margolini.

    Tejvasi e mbylli jetėn nė mėnyrė tragjike. Ai u zgjodh sekretar i Komitetit tė Partisė pėr qytetin e Kallugės ku punoi me ndėrgjegjje tė lartė. Por, kur filloi “gjakderdhja” e vitit 1937 edhe ai nuk i shpėtoi dot, ndonėse Komiteti i Partisė i Kallugės, nėse mund tė shprehem kėshtu, gjėmonte nga vrulli i tij.

    Atė e takova pėrsėri kur ndodhej nė burg. Atėherė Stalini shprehu mendimin qė sekretarėt e komitetit tė partisė tė rajoneve duhet tė shkojnė nėpėr burgje dhe tė kontrollojnė drejtėsinė e veprimeve tė organeve tė sigurimit, prandaj edhe unė vajta nė burg. Redensi ishte shef i sektorit tė GPU-s (Drejtoria Politike e Shtetit – sigurimi) pėr rajonin e Moskės, njė figurė gjithashtu interesante. I shkreti Redens e mbylli jetėn nė mėnyrė tragjike. Ai u arrestua dhe u pushkatua, megjithėse ishte martuar me motrėn e Nadjezhda Sergejevna Allillujevės, domethėnė se ishte i afėrt me Stalinin. Shumė herė e kisha takuar Redensin nė apartamentin e Stalinit, nė drekat familjare, kur ftohesha edhe unė si sekretar i Organizatės sė Partisė pėr Moskėn dhe Bulganini si kryetar i Kėshillit tė kryeqytetit.

    Sė bashku me Redensin shkuam pėr tė vizituar burgjet. Tabloja atje ishte e tmerrshme. Mė kujtohet kur u futa nė burgun e grave (ishte verė), qelia ishte e stėrmbushur… Redensi mė paralajmėroi se atje mund tė takoja njėrėn apo tjetrėn, nga ato qė njihnim. Dhe me tė vėrtetė atje u ndesha me njė grua shumė aktive dhe tė menēur, me Beti Glan, e cila jeton edhe sot dhe mė duket se ėshtė mirė me shėndet. Ajo ishte drejtoreshė e Parkut Qendror tė Kulturės e tė Ēlodhjes pėr Moskėn, e dyta nė numėr dhe qė mbante emrin e Gorkit. Por Beti nuk ishte vetėm drejtoreshė, por realisht edhe njėra nga themelueset e tij. Nė atė kohė unė nuk merrja pjesė nė pritjet diplomatike, por atė, si pinjoll i njė familjeje borgjeze, qė e njihte etiketėn e shtresės sė lartė, gjithmonė Litvinovi e thėrriste nė raste tė tilla. Kėshtu ajo nė njė farė mėnyre pėrfaqėsonte shtetin tonė. Tani atė e ndesha nė burg. Ashtu, gjysmė e zhveshur, si edhe tė tjerat, sepse tė nxehit ishte pėrvėlues, ajo mė drejtohet mua: “Shoku Hrushov, si mund tė mė quajnė mua armike tė popullit? Unė jam e ndershme dhe besnike ndaj partisė”. Prej andej kaluam nė burgun e burrave. Aty takoj Trejvasin. Gjithashtu edhe ai m’u drejtua me fjalėt: “Vallė, a mund tė jem unė i tillė, siē mė akuzojnė?” Nė atė moment i drejtohem Redensit, mirėpo ai mė pėrgjigjet: “Shoku Hrushov, tė tėrė kėshtu thonė! Gjithēka e mohojnė. Thjesht vetėm se gėnjejnė”.

    Atėherė unė e kuptova sė detyra jonė e sekretarit tė komitetit tė partisė pėr rajonin ėshtė shumė e vėshtirė: materjalet e hetimit ndodheshin nė duart e ēekistėve (tė sigurimsave), tė cilėt jepnin edhe gjykimin. Ata i merrnin nė pyetje, plotėsonin protokollin hetimor, ndėrsa ne, nė tė vėrtetė, dukeshim si viktima tė organeve tė sigurimit, madje edhe vetė po ndikoheshim prej tyre. Kėshtu pra, ky nuk ishte kontroll, por njė veprim fiktiv, njė perde pėr tė fshehur veprimtarinė e sigurimit. Mė vonė e kam vrarė mendjen pėrse Stalini vepronte nė kėtė mėnyrė. Tashmė e kam tė qartė se ai kėtė e bėnte me ndėrgjegjje. Stalini e kishte menduar mirė kėtė hap, nė mėnyrė qė kur tė ishte e nevojshme, mund tė thoshte: “Atje ka organizatė partie. Ato e ndjekin ēėshtjen dhe janė tė detyuara ta bėjnė atė”. Po ēfarė “ndjekje ishte kjo? Ē’do tė thoshte “ndjekje?” Organet e sigurimit nuk i nėnshtroheshin organizatės sonė tė partisė. Atėherė si mund tė ndiqej ēėshtja? Nė fakt punonjėsit e sigurimit ndiqnin organizatėn e partisė, ndiqnin tėrė drejtuesit e partisė dhe jo e kundėrta.

    PĖRSHTYPJET

    “Stalini ishte njeriu qė u njihte thelbin gjėrave”

    Unė do tė pėrshkruaj njė takim me Stalinin, qė mė ka lėnė pėrshtypje tė thellė. Kjo ka ndodhur kur unė sudioja nė Akademinė e Industrisė. Kuadrot e para tė saj dolėn nė vitin 1930. Atėherė Kaminiski, njė bolshevik i vjetėr dhe njeri mirė, ishte drejtori ynė. Unė tregoja respekt ndaj tij. Ne i kėrkuam drejtorit qė t’i drejtohej Stalinit pėr tė pritur pėrfaqėsuesitt e organizatės sė partisė sė akademisė lidhur me daljen e kuadrove tė para. Nga shoku Stalin dėshironim tė dėgjonin fjalėn pėrshėndetėse, prandaj nė sallėn e Kollonave tė Pallatit tė Bashkimeve Profesionale kishim planifikuar njė darkė kushtuar kuadrove tė sapodiplomuar. Prandaj iu drejtuam atij qė tė fliste nė kėtė mbrėmje solemne. Ne na njoftuan qė tė zgjidhnim pėrfaqėsuesit tanė dhe Stalini pėrmendi gjashtė apo shtatė veta. Nė kėtė grup bėja pjesė edhe unė si drejtues i organizatės bazė. Tė tjerėt sapo e kishin kryer akademinė, ndėrsa unė u gjenda mes tyre si sekretar i partisė. Ne vajtėm tek Stalini. Ai menjėherė na priti dhe ne ia filluam bisedės. Stalini shtjelloi temėn e tė mėsuarit dhe tė zotėrimit tė njohurive, me synimin qė tė mos hapeshim shumė, por tė njihnim thellė e me detaje profesionin tonė. “Nga radhėt tuaja, - theksoi ai, - duhet tė dalin drejtues tė pėrgatitur, njohės tė mirė tė detyrės sė vet dhe jo specialistė tė pėrgjithshėm”. Kėtu ai solli njė shembull tė tillė: “Po tė marrėsh njė specialist tonin, njė inxhinier rus, ai ėshtė njė profesionist mjaft i arsimuar dhe me formim tė gjithanshėm. Biseda me tema nga mė tė ndryshmet mund t’i zhvillojė edhe nė njė mjedis grash edhe nė rrethin e vet, sepse ka horizont tė gjerė edhe pėr pobleme tė letėrsisė, tė artit etj. Por kur nevojiten njohuri konkrete tė tij, pėr shembull, kur njė mjet pėson difekt, ai menjėherė dėrgon dikė tjetėr pėr ta riparuar. Po le tė marrim njė inxhinier gjerman, i cili nė shoqėri duket i mėrzitshėm dhe po t’i themi atij se makina nuk punon, ai heq xhaketėn, pėrvesh mėngėt, merr ēelėsin, e zbėrthen, e riparon vetė dhe e vė nė lėvizje. Ja, tė tillė njerėz na duhen neve: jo thjesht me horizont tė gjerė, ndonėse do tė ishte shumė mirė, por kryesorja qė tė njohin profesionin e vet, ta njohin thellė atė dhe t’ua mėsojnė edhe tė tjerėve”. Kjo vėrejte ne na pėlqeu. Njė mendim tė tillė unė e kisha dėgjuar edhe mė parė, kur studioja nė Fakultetin e Punėtorėve. Atėherė u vu nė jetė ideja, sipas tė cilės institutet na duhen, por hėpėrhė na nevojiteshin mė tepėr teknikumet. Edhe sot unė mendoj se ai kishte tė drejtė. Prandaj fjalėt e Stalinit lanė tek unė pėrshtypje tė mira dhe mendova me vete: “Ja njeriu, qė e njeh thelbin e ēėshtjes dhe i orienton drejt mendimet, energjitė tona pėr zgjidhjen e problemit kyē tė industrializimit tė vendit, ngritjes sė nivelit tė tij dhe krijimit mbi kėtė bazė tė paprekshmėrisė sė kufijve tė atdheut tonė nga ana e botės kapitaliste. Mbi kėtė themel u mbėshtet edhe ngritja e mirėqenies sė popullit.” Nė mbyllje tė bisedės shoku Stalin tha: “Unė nuk vij dot, por do tė dėrgoj Mihail Ivanoviē Kalininin. Ai do t’ju pėrshėndesė!” Kur pėrfunduam takimin me Stalinin, ne konstatuam se tashmė kishte filluar mbrėmja solemne nė Sallėn e Kollonave, prandaj na u desh qė tė nxitonim drejt saj. Atje mbėrritėm kur sapo kishte pėrfunduar referati, tė cilin, sipas mendimit tim, duhej ta kishte mbajtur Kaminski. Mė pas folėn studentėt dhe nė fund e mori fjalėn Kalinini. Ne tė gjithė e respektonim atė dhe fjalėn e tij e dėgjuam mė vėmendje. Mirėpo ai foli pikėrisht tė kundėrtėn e asaj qė sapo na e kishte thėnė Stalini. Ē’ėshtė e vėrteta, edhe ai e theksoi se duhej zotėruar shkenca pėr t’u bėrė drejtues i kualifikuar i industrisė sonė. “Si drejtues tė kuadrove, - theksoi ai, - duhet tė njihni jo vetėm specialitetin tuaj, por duhet tė lexoni edhe literaturė, qė tė keni formim tė gjithanshėm. Ju duhet tė njihni jo vetėm specialitetin tuaj, makineritė tuaja dhe pajisjet, por duhet tė keni dijeni edhe mbi letėrsinė, mbi artin, historinė etj.” Ata qė kishin qenė tek Stalini panė me habi njėri-tjetrin.

    Materiali ėshtė marrė nga libri KUJTIME (fragmente tė zgjedhura), i Nikita Hrushovit Pėrktheu nga origjinali: Nikolla Sudar

    Dita.
    --- La Madre dei IMBECILI e sempre in cinta...

    ---voudou.. ---

  19. #18
    i/e regjistruar Maska e Xhuxhumaku
    Anėtarėsuar
    19-11-2003
    Vendndodhja
    sopr'un'curva
    Postime
    13,379

    Hrushovi: Ēfarė nuk mė pėlqente te Stalini

    ZHGĖNJIMI/ Nikita Hrushov rrėfen ēastin kur idhulli u shkėrrmoq nė mendjen e tij: Ai i pėrēmonte njerėzit

    “Arroganca, ajo qė s’mė pėlqente tek Stalini”



    Nė kujtimet e botuara dje Nikita Hrushov fliste pėr njohjen e familjes sė Josif Visarianoviēin, vdekjen e gruas sė tij, Nadjezhda Sergejevna, pėr bisedat me Stalinin dhe konstatimet e tij tė para pėr kontrollin e partisė nga ēekistėt (sigurimsat). Pjesa e rrėfimit qė botohet sot flet pėr kontaktet e Hrushovit me Stalinin dhe kuptimin e asaj ēka Kryetari i Komitetit Qendror tė Partisė ishte me tė vėrtetė.

    Njė rast mė habiti dhe mė la mbresa tė pakėndshme. Mė duket se ishte viti 1932. Nė Moskė kishte uri dhe unė si sekretar i Dytė i Komitetit tė Partisė pėr qytetin harxhova shumė energji nė kėrkim tė mundėsive pėr tė ushqyer klasėn punėtore. Ne u morėm me rritjen e lepujve tė butė. Vetė Stalini e propozoi kėtė ide dhe unė iu futa zbatimit tė saj; me tė gjitha forcat u pėrpoqa tė vė nė jetė porosinė e Stalinit pėr mbarėshtimin e lepujve. Ēdo fabrikė, ēdo uzinė, madje edhe atje ku pėr fat tė keq ishte e pamundur, u morėn me rritjen e lepujve. Pataj u dhamė pas kėrpurdhave, pėr to ndėrtuam ambiente dhe hapėm transhe. Disa uzina i siguruan mirė me produkte mensat e tyre, por ēdo lėvizje masive, madje, edhe e mirė qoftė, shpesh tė shpie nė degradim. Prandaj ndodhėn edhe shumė ngjarje tė papėlqyera. Shpesh iniciativa tė tilla nuk justifikoheshin, dolėn me humbje dhe jo tė gjithė drejtorėt e pėrkrahėn lėvizjen. Gjithandej filluan t’i quajnė parcelat e kėrpudhave varreza.

    Po ashtu edhe gjatė shpėrndarjes sė triskave pėr ushqime dhe mallra tė tjera pati shumė maskarallėqe. Pėrderisa zbatohet triskėtimi, do tė thotė se ka mungesa dhe se ato i shtyjnė njerėzit, veēanėrisht tė paformuarit, nė shkeljen e ligjeve. Nė situata tė tilla hajdutėt shtohen pa masė. Kaganoviēi mė drejtohet mua: “Pėrgatituni pėr tė raportuar nė Byronė Politike lidhur me luftėn qė bėhet nė Moskė pėr vėnė rregull nė sistemin e triskėtimit. Triskat u duhen mohuar atyre njerėzve, tė cilėt i kanė marrė nė mėnyrė tė paligjshme, me tė vjedhur”. Triskat pėr tė punėsuarit ishin ndryshe nga ato pėr tė papunėt. Por edhe pėr tė punėsuarit ishin tė ndryshme dhe ky ishte njėri nga shkaqet, qė i detyronte njerėzit qė tė bėnin marifete nga mė tė ndryshmet, madje edhe veprime tė kundėrligjshme. Atėherė ne bėmė njė punė tė madhe me tė gjitha organizatat, duke pėrfshirė bashkimet profesionale, milicinė dhe sigurimin. Qindra mijėra triska u kursyen ose u kthyen, duke ua refuzuar atyre njerėzve qė nuk e meritonin. Nė atė kohė u zhvillua njė luftė e ashpėr pėr sigurimin e bukės, tė produkteve ushqimore dhe pėr realizimin e pesėvjeēarit tė parė. Nė radhė tė parė duhej siguruar ushqimi pėr ata, qė realizuan me sukses pesėvjeēarin.

    Nė lidhje me kėtė problem, mbėrriti edhe momenti kur do tė raportonim nė Byronė Politike. Kaganoviēi mė tha se duhet tė raportoja unė. Kjo gjė mė shqetėsoi pa masė, madje edhe mė trembi: tė flisje nė njė mbledhje tė tillė me shumė autoritet, ku Stalini do tė vlerėsonte raportin tim, nuk ishte gjė e vogėl. Atėherė mbledhjet nuk i kryesonte Stalini, por gjithmonė Molotov1i. Vetėm pas luftės, mė shpesh se mė parė, Stalini do t’i kryesonte vetė. Nė vitet ‘40, nė mbledhjet e Byrosė Politike pjesėmarrėsit ishin tė rezervuar, ndėrsa nė vitet ‘30 diskutimi i disa problemeve bėhej me shumė gjallėri, veēanėrisht nėse dikush i shfaqte emocionet e veta. Atėherė kjo gjė tolerohej. Njė herė shpėtheu Serxho Orxhonjikixe, i cili nė pėrgjithėsi ishte shumė impulsiv, dhe iu sul komisarit tė Popullit pėr Tregtinė e Jashtme, Rozengolcit dhe gati sa nuk e goditi atė…

    Kėshtu pra, unė raportova duke theksuar sesi kishim arritur rezultate shumė tė mira, ndėrsa Stalini replikoi; “Mos u mburrni kaq shumė, shoku Hrushov. Akoma kanė mbetur jashtė shumė hajdutė, kurse ju mendoni se i keni kapur tė gjithė”. Kjo ndėrhyrje ndikoi fuqishėm tek unė: nė tė vėrtetė unė kisha krijuar mendimin se i kishim demaskuar tėrė hajdutėt, por ja qė Stalini, pa lėvizur nga Kremlini, e dinte se kishin mbetur shumė maskarenj pa u kapur. Nė realitet ashtu ishte. Por mėnyra sesi ai replikoi me mua mė pėlqeu shumė, nė tė ndjehej toni atėror. Ky qėndrim e ngriti lart Stalinin nė sytė e mi.

    Ndėrkohė do tė flas pėr episodin e pakėndshėm, qė e pėrmenda mė lart. Pas njė farė kohe unė u informova se njė raport tė tillė do tė mbanin edhe leningradasit. Mua mė interesonte sesi kishin vepruar ata. Me ta ne ishim vėnė nė gara socialiste pėr tė gjitha problemet, tė deklaruara dhe tė padeklaruara. Mė nė fund erdhi ēasti, kur nė rendin e ditės sė Byrosė Politike u vu ky problem. Unė erdha nė mbledhje dhe u ula nė vendin tim (vendet nuk ishin me numėr, mirėpo pėr pjesėmarrėsit e pėrhershėm ato tashmė diheshin). Raportin e mbajti sekretari i Komitetit tė Partisė pėr qytetin. Sekretar i Parė ishte Sergej Mironoviē Kirovi, por raportin nuk e mbajti ai, por sekretari i dytė, me njė mbiemėr letonez. Unė e njihja pak atė. Mirėpo ai ishte sekretar i Komitetit tė Partisė pėr Leningradin, prandaj sillesha me respekt tė veēantė. Sipas mendimit tim raporti i tij ishte i mirė: leningradasit gjithashtu kishin bėrė njė punė tė madhe, kshin zhvilluar ekonominė dhe kishin shkurtuar shumė triska ushqimore.

    Sapo u njoftua pushimi, tėrė pjesėmarrėsit u sulėn “pėr tė shuar urinė”, ndėrsa unė deri-diku u rezervova. Me sa duket, Stalini priti qė tė kalonin ata qė kishin zėnė vendet e fundit. Aty pa dashje u ndodha dėshmitar dhe konstatova se si Stalini hidhte fraza kundėr kėtij sekretari nė prani tė Kirovit. Ai e pyeti atė se ē’njeri ishte sekretari. Sergej Mironoviēi diēka i tha, sigurisht nė aspektin pozitiv, por Stalini lėshoi njė replikė qė e ofendonte dhe e poshtėronte kėtė drejtues partie. Pėr mua kjo ishte thjesht njė goditje e tmerrshme morale. Mua as qė mė shkonte nėpėr mend se Stalini, ky drejtues partie dhe udhėheqės i klasės punėtore, tė sillej nė mėnyrė kaq ofenduese ndaj njė anėtari partie.

    Nė vitet e para tė Revolucuionit dhe gjatė Luftės Civile gjithēka ishte ndryshe. Mė kujtohet kur sulmuam dhe ua morėm tė bardhėve qytetin Malloarhangelsk. Tek unė u paraqit njė mėsues vendės, njeri me horizont tė kufizuar dhe mė pyeti se ēfarė posti do t’i jepnin po tė futej nė parti. Kjo sjellje mė revoltoi, por unė u pėrmbajtja dhe iu pėrgjegja: “Postin mė tė rėndėsishėm!” –“Cilin?” – “Do tė tė japim pushkėn dhe do tė tė dėrgojmė tė godasėsh bjellogardistėt. Ky ėshtė tani posti mė i rėndėsishėm. Nė kėto momente shtrohet ēėshtja e ekzistencės ose jo e pushtetit sovjetik. E ku ka post mė tė rėndėsishėm se ky?” – “Po tė jetė kėshtu, atėherė nuk futem nė parti”. Unė iu pėrgjegja; “Gjėja mė e mirė ėshtė qė tė mos futesh!”

    Kėtė e dhashė si shembull. Por ja qė Stalini, udhėheqėsi prej tė cilit, siē theksohej, duhej marrė shembull pėr sjellje tė mirė ndaj njerėzve dhe ndaj koncpteve tė tyre, lėshon njė replikė tė tillė. Ja, kanė kaluar kaq vite dhe fjalėt e tij mė kanė mbetur si cifla nė kokėn time. Ato krijuan tek unė njė mendim negativ pėr Stalinin. Nė fjalėt e tij ndjehej pėrbuzja ndaj njerėzve. Letonezi, pėr tė cilin po flasim, ishte njeri i thjeshtė qė vinte nga klasa punėtore. Nė atė kohė nė aktivin tonė tė partisė kishte shumė letonezė. Unė, pėr shembull, rastėsisht kam takuar njė letonez qė komandonte Regjimentin e 72-tė tė Divizionit tė 9-tė tė pushkatarėve. Edhe nė poste partie, nė ekonomi dhe nė Ushtrinė e Kuqe kishte shumė tė tillė. Dhe unė gjithmonė ndaj tyre sillesha me respekt tė madh. Atėherė tek ne nuk kishte akoma diferencime midis njerėzve mbi bazė kombėsie. Diferencime kishte vetėn nė besnikėrinė ndaj idealit tonė: je pėr revolucionin, apo kundėr? Kjo ishte kryesorja. Por mė pas filluan tė na gėrryejnė qėndrimet mikroborgjeze ndaj njerėzve, prandaj shpesh bėhej pyetja: “Ē’kombėsi keni ju?” Mė parė kishte rėndėsi vetėm gjendja shoqėrore: nga vjen ai, nga klasa punėtore, nga fshatarėsia, apo nga inteligjenca? Nė atė kohė, siē flitej, inteligjenca ishte e dyshimtė. Nė vitet e para tė Revolucionit fare pak njerėz tė sferės sė inteligjencės pranoheshin nė radhėt e Partisė Komuniste.

    INCIDENTI/ Falja e pėrfaqėsuesit tregtar qė rrezikoi jetėn prej njė interviste nė njė gazetė amerikane

    Si diskutohej nė Byro nė vitet ‘30

    Pėrpara luftės mbledhjet i drejtonte vetėm Molotovi dhe aty flitej hapur. Mė pas Stalini fliste vetė

    Mė kujtohen edhe episode tė veēuara, tė cilat kanė lidhje me veprimtarinė e Stalinit, qė e karakterizojnė atė. Njė herė nė mbledhje tė byrosė Politike u ngrit njė problem i pazakontė lidhur me njė person tė ngarkuar me tregtinė e jashtme nė njė vend latino-amrikan. Problemit nė fjalė i erdhi radha pėr t’u analizuar dhe personin nė fjalė e thirrėn. Ai, njė tridhjetepesėvjeēar me pamje plotėsisht tė hutuar, u paraqit nė Byro. Debati filloi. Atij iu drejtua Stalini: “Na trego gjithēka, ashtu siē ka ndodhur, pa fshehur asgjė!” Ai filloi tė tregojė se kishte shkuar nė atė vend pėr tė bėrė disa porosi. Tanimė nuk mė kujtohet se cilėn organizatė pėrfaqėsonte dhe nė cilin vend kishte vajtur. Por nuk ėshtė kjo kryesorja, por interesante ėshtė sesi reagoi Stalini. Ndėrkohė personi vazhdoi rrėfimin e tij: “Unė u futa nė njė restorant pėr tė ngrėnė. U ula nė njė tavolinė dhe porosita drekėn. Pranė meje u ul njė djalė i ri dhe mė pyet: “Nga Rusia jeni?” – “Po, nga Rusia jam”. – “Ē’qėndrim mbani ndaj muzikės?” – “Mė pėlqen tė dėgjoj kur interpretojnė bukur me violinė”. - “Ēfarė doni tė porosisni?” – “Kam ardhur tė porosis pajisje” – “A e keni kryer shėrbimin ushtarak nė Rusi?” – “Po, e kam kryer” – “Nė cilėn armė?” – “Nė kavaleri. Unė jam kalorės, kuajt i dua edhe tani qė nuk shėrbej mė nė ushtri”. – “Po me armė si qėlloni? Ju keni qenė edhe ushtarak!”. – “Jo keq!” Tė nesėrmen mė thonė se ē’ishte shkruar pėr mua nėpėr gazeta. Unė zura kokėn me duar. Siē rezultoi, djaloshi kishte qenė njė gazetar, pėrfaqėsues i njė gazete, por nuk mė pėrfaqėsonte mua, kurse unė pėr mungesė pėrvoje fillova tė bisedoj me tė dhe t’i pėrgjigjem pyetjeve tė tij. Ai kishte shkruar se ka ardhur dikush, qė do tė bėjė porosi me njė shumė prej kaq parash (ajo ishte e trilluar), se i pėlqen tė kalėrojė, se ėshtė njė xhigit i vėrtetė, qitės i mirė dhe sportist, se qėllon saktė dhe godet nė shenjė nga iks distancė, se ėshtė violinist etj., etj. Me njė fjalė aty ishin shkruar kaq shumė budallallėqe, saqė u tmerrova, por s'kisha ē’tė bėja. Pas njė farė kohe ambasada mė propozoi qė tė kthehesha mė atdhe. Ja ku edhe erdha dhe po ju raportoj ashtu siē ka ndodhur. Ju lutem shumė tė merrni paraysh se e tėrė kjo ėshtė bėrė pa ndonjė qėllim tė keq”. Ndėrkohė qė ai po tregonte, tė tėrė qeshnin nėn hundė dhe bėnin shaka me tė, veēanėrisht tė ftuarit e jashtėm. Por anėtarėt e KQ dhe ata tė Komisionit tė Revizionimit, qė gjithmonė ishin tė pranishėm nėpėr mbledhje, po tregoheshin tė pėrmbajtur, duke pritur se ē’do tė ndodhte. Kur vėshtroja kėtė njeri, mė vinte keq pėr tė; ai ishte viktimė e vetvetes, e naivitetit, por si do tė analizohej ēėshtja e tij nė mbledhjen e Byrosė Politike? Ky njeri fliste shumė sinqerisht dhe i emocionuar. Stalini e inkurajonte me njė ton tė qetė e dashamirės: “Vazhdo tė na tregosh!” Papritur Stalini thekson: “E po mirė, njeriu besoi dhe ra viktimė e kėtyre banditėve, e kėtyre piratėve… A pati ndonjė gjė tjetėr?” – “Jo, asgjė” – “Le ta quajmė ēėshtjen tė mbyllur. Ki kujdes, qė nė tė ardhmen tė jesh mė i kujdesshėm!” Mua mė pėlqeu shumė njė pėrfundim i tillė i analizės. Pastaj u njoftua pushimi. Kėtė rast Byroja e diskutoi gjatė dy a mė tepėr orė.

    Kur u bė pushimi dhe ne u drejtuam “pėr tė shuar urinė”, siē e quanim atė me shaka midis nesh, ai i shkreti vazhdonte tė rrinte pa lėvizur nė tė njėjtin vend. Me sa dukej, ishte i tronditur shumė nga drejtimi qė kishte marrė ēėshtja, saqė po tė mos i kishte thėnė dikush se mbledhja kishte pėrfunduar, ai nuk do tė kishte lėvizur nga vendi. Mua mė pėlqeu shumė njė thjeshtėsi dhe njerzillėk i tillė nga ana e Stalinit, si dhe mėnyra sesi ai e kuptonte shpirtin e njeriut. Nė fillim u duk se kėtė njeri e priste vdekja, pėrderisa kjo ēėshtje ishte shtruar pėr t’u diskutuar nė Byronė Politike. Unė mendoj se dikush e kishte informuar Stalinin dhe pastaj vetė ai e kishte ngritur kėtė problem nė Byronė Politike pėr tė treguar se ē’njeri ishte dhe si i zgjidhte probleme tė tilla.

    UDHĖHEQĖSIT

    Nė Kremlin, pėr tė shuar urinė

    Herė pas here bėheshin pushime dhe tė tėrė kalonim nė njė sallė tjetėr, ku nėpėr tavolina servirej ēaj me sanduiē. Atėherė kalonim njė periudhė tė vėshtirė me mungesa, madje edhe tė tillė njerėz si unė, me njė pozitė goxha tė lartė, bėnim njė jetė mė se modeste dhe shpesh nuk ngopeshim me ushqimin e shtėpisė. Prandaj kur vinim nė Kremlin hanim gjer sa ngopeshim simite me gjalpė e me djathė, sallam dhe proshutė; pinim ēaj tė ėmbėl dhe i konsumonim kėto ushqime tė mira si njerėz tė pamėsuar me kuzhinėn e zgjedhur.

    MOSKA

    Stalini kujdesej edhe pėr WC-tė e kryeqytetit

    Mė ėshtė dashur tė takohesha shpesh me Stalinin nė mbledhje, nė konsulta, nė konferenca dhe tė dėgjoja e tė shihja veprimtarinė e tij edhe nė ambiente tė drejtimit kolegjial nė Byronė Politike tė Komitetit Qendor. Nė kėtė sfond Stalini dallohej fort, veēanėrisht pėr formulimet e tij. Kjo gjė mė tėrhiqte shumė. Unė me gjithė shpirt tregohesha besnik i KQ tė Partisė me Stalinin nė krye, por nė radhė tė parė isha besnik ndaj vetė Stalinit.

    Njė herė asistova nė njė mbledhje tė njė rrethi tė ngushtė tė udhėheqjes. Ishte viti 1932, kur Stalini formuloi “gjashtė kushtet” e famshme tė zhvillimit me sukses tė ekonomisė. Atėherė punoja si sekretar i partisė pėr rajonin e Baumanskut, kur me njoftuan tė paraqitesha nė Byronė Politike, sepse do tė fliste Stalini. Menjėherė shkova nė Komitetin Qendror, ku gjeta shumė njerėz. Salla ku u mblodhėm ishte e vogėl, e shumta zinte vetėm 300 veta dhe ishte plot e pėrplot. Duke dėgjuar Stalinin, pėrpiqesha qė tė mos mė shpėtonte asnjė fjalė dhe sa pata mundėsi e regjistrova fjalimin e tij. Mė pas ai u publikua nė shtyp. Po e pėrsėris, shtjellimi i pėrmbledhur dhe formulimi i detyrave, tė cilat ai i parashtroi, mė tėrhoqėn. Ndėrkohė, duke ia njohur cilėsitė e veēanta si udhėheqės, m’u shtua akoma mė tepėr respekti ndaj Stalinit. Unė edhe gjatė bashkėbisedimeve tė lira, gjithashtu e kam takuar dhe vėzhguar Stalinin. Kjo ndodhte nganjėherė nė teatėr. Kur Stalini shkonte pėr tė ndjekur ndonjė shfaqje, nganjėherė mė njoftonte dhe unė shkoja atje vetėm, ose bashkė me Bulganinin. Zakonisht na ftonte, kur i lindte ndonjė problem dhe duke qenė nė teatėr donte tė shkėmbente mendime pėr probleme, tė cilat mė tepėr i takonin qytetit tė Moskės. Gjithmonė ne e dėgjonim me vėmendje dhe pėrpiqeshim tė bėnim ashtu siē na kėshillonte ai. Nė atė kohė mė shpesh sugjerimet e tij ishin nė formė kėshillash tė ngrohta shoqėrore.

    Njė herė (mė duket se para Kongresit XVII tė Partisė) mua mė telefonuan dhe mė porositėn t’i telefonoj njė numri. Unė e dija se ai ishte telefoni i apartamentit tė Stalinit. Sapo i rashė numrit, ai mė thotė: “Shoku Hrushov, gjer tek unė kanė mbėrritur tashethemet se tualetet nė Moskė janė si mos mė keq. Madje, jo rrallė njerėzit vrapojnė dhe nuk dinė ku tė gjejnė vend pėr t’u liruar. Po krijohet njė situatė e pakėndshme dhe shqetėsuese. Bashkė me Bulganinin mendojeni qė tė krijoni kushte sa mė tė pėrshtatshme nė qytet”. Nė pamje tė parė dukej njė vogėlsirė, por mua mė bėri shumė pėrshtypje: ja edhe pėr gjėra tė tilla kujdeset Stalini dhe na jep kėshilla. Natyrisht qė bashkė me Bulganinin dhe personat pėrgjegjės vepruam me shpejtėsi tė rrufeshme. Menjėherė urdhėruam tė bėhej njė studim nė tė gjitha ndėrtesat dhe oborret, ndonėse kryesisht u takonte oborreve, megjithatė ngritėm nė kėmbė tėrė milicinė. Mė pas, shoku Stalin e saktėsoi mė tepėr detyrėn dhe porositi tė ndėrtoheshin tualete tė pėrshtatshme me pagesė, gjė qė u bė. Nė Moskė u ndėrtuan edhe tualete mė vete dhe tė tėra kėto sipas sugjerimeve tė Stalinit.

    Mė kujtohet njė rast kur nė njė mbledhje apo konferencė erdhėn shokė nga provincat. Ejhe (mė duket se atėherė ai ishte sekretar organizate nė Novosibirsk), me njė thjeshtėsi prej letonezi, mė pyeti: “Shoku Hrushov, a ėshtė e vėrtetė ajo qė thonė njerėzit se ju nė Moskė po merreni me tualetet e qytetit, sipas porosisė sė Stalinit?” – “E vėrtetė ėshtė, - iu pėrgjigja, - unė po merrem me tualetet, qė janė njė aspekt i kujdesit pėr njerėzit, sepse ato janė objekte pa tė cilėt njerėzit nuk bėjnė dot, nė njė qytet tė tillė si Moska”. Ja njė ngjarje e tillė, nė dukje e vogėl, dėshmonte se Stalini u kushtonte vėmendje edhe vogėlsirave. Udhėheqės i klasės punėtore tė botės, siē e quanin atėherė, udhėheqės i partisė, por ja qė syrit tė tij nuk i shpėtoi njė vogėlsirė e tillė, siē ishin tualetet e qytetit. Ky rast na tėrhoqi tė tėrėve.

    Materiali ėshtė marrė nga libri KUJTIME (fragmente tė zgjedhura), i Nikita Hrushovit

    Pėrktheu nga origjinali: Nikolla Sudar


    VENDIMI/ Sekretari i Parė mendonte se energjitė duhet tė drejtoheshin vetėm nga prodhimi

    Si ndaloi “Lėvizja e mė tė mirėve”, me urdhėr nga lart

    Kjo qė po ju tregoj ka ndodhur me siguri nė vitin 1932 ose 1933. Atėherė nė shoqėrinė tonė lindi njė lėvizje, siē e quanim ne atėherė “Lėvizja e mė tė mirėve”. Skiatorėt qė punonin nė Uzinėn e Podhimeve Elektrike tė Moskės, e cila nė atė kohė zinte vendin e parė nė kryeqytet, vendosėn tė kryejnė njė udhėtim me ski nga Moska nė Siberi e gjer nė Lindjen e Largme. Ata e pėrfunduan me sukses, u kthyen dhe u shpėrblyen. Atyre u dhanė distiktiva, madje edhe medalje. Natyrisht rreth kėsaj ngjarjeje u bė shumė zhurmė. Mė pas kalorės turkmenė vrapuan me kuaj nga Ashhabadi gjer nė Moskė dhe e realizuan kėshtu synimin e tyre. Mė pas nėpėr qytete dhe rajone tė vendit u pėrhap “Lėvizja e mė tė mirėve”. Papritur Stalini porositi qė tė ndėrpritej ajo, sepse ndryshe nuk do tė pushonte asnjėherė. Nė rast se ne do inkurajonim, gjė qė e kishm filluar ta bėnim, atėherė tė tėrė do tė marshonin apo do tė vraponin pėr t’u “evidentuar”, duke u shkėputur kėshtu nga prodhimi”. – “Ne, - theksoi, - do tė shndrrohemi nė endacakė, nėse e inkurajojmė publikisht kėtė lėvizje bredharakėsh dhe aq mė keq, po ta shpėrblejmė atė… Ajo duhet ndėrprerė!” Kėshtu i erdhi fundi “Lėvizjes sė mė tė mirėve”. Ky veprim mė pėlqeu shumė: e para, sepse njė zhurmė e tillė nuk ishte e nevojshme; e dyta, se me tė vėrtetė kjo ishte njė lėvizje e dyshimtė, qė nxiste kaosin me ato bredhjet dhe marshimet pa fund.

    Dita.
    --- La Madre dei IMBECILI e sempre in cinta...

    ---voudou.. ---

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Regullat e Postimit

  • Ju nuk mund tė hapni tema tė reja.
  • Ju nuk mund tė postoni nė tema.
  • Ju nuk mund tė bashkėngjitni skedarė.
  • Ju nuk mund tė ndryshoni postimet tuaja.
  •