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    i/e larguar Maska e forum126
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    Projekti i zhdukjes s shqiptarve, hartuar m 1939 nga shkrimtari nobelist serb Ivo

    Projekti i zhdukjes s shqiptarve, hartuar m 1939 nga shkrimtari nobelist serb Ivo Andriq
    Lufta ballkanike dhe Shqipria

    Dalja e ushtris serbe n Adriatik

    Sipas pjess s fsheht suplementare t Traktatit t Aleancs midis Bullgaris e Serbis t 29 shkurtit t vitit 1912, Serbis iu njoh e drejta e marrjes s territorit turk t deriathershm n veri dhe n perndim t malit t Sharrit. N lidhje me kt dispozit, e duke u prpjekur q shtetit t vet ti sigurojn daljen n det, trupat serbe, m 15 nntor t vitit 1912, hyn n Lezh dhe, shkall-shkall, e pushtuan tr Shqiprin e Veriut deri n Tiran e Durrs. N Tajmsin e Londrs, m 25 nntor, u botua deklarata e Pashiqit se Serbia e krkon Durrsin me hinterlandin m t madh.

    Formimi i Shqipris autonome

    Mirpo, Konferenca e Ambasadorve n Londr, m 20 dhjetor t vitit 1912, mori vendim pr formimin e Shqipris autonome, duke i dhn Serbis vetm t drejtn e daljes tregtare n detin Adriatik. Po kjo konferenc, m 20 mars t vitit 1913, vendosi q Shkodra ti jepet Shqipris. Mali i Zi nuk e pranoi vendimin e fuqive t mdha: Serbia e prkrahu qdrimin e Malit t Zi dhe i drgoi trupat e veta pr ta forcuar rrethimin e Shkodrs. Fuqit e mdha (m 21 mars) vendosn t bjn demonstrimin detar, nga i cili u rezervua vetm Rusia. Kryqzoret austro-hungareze, angleze, franceze, gjermane e italiane, t tubuara afr Barit, i detyruan trupat serbe q t trhiqen nga pozitat rreth Shkodrs.

    Bllokada e bregdetit t Malit t Zi

    M 10 prill fuqit e mdha shpalln bllokadn e bregdetit t Malit t Zi, por qeveria malazeze e vazhdoi rrethimin e Shkodrs, e cila kapitulloi m 20 prill. Mbreti Nikolla, megjithat, u detyrua t lshoj pe dhe, m 4 maj, me nj telegram q ia drgoi ser Eduard Greit, fatin e Shkodrs e la n duart e fuqive t mdha. Okupimi ndrkombtar i Shkodrs zgjati prej 5 majit 1913 deri n fillim t Lufts Botrore.

    II NDARJA E SFERAVE T INTERESIT N SHQIPRI MIDIS SERBIS E GREQIS

    Megjithse nn presionin e fuqive t mdha, n radh t par t Austris, u detyrua t trhiqej nga Adriatiku dhe nga Shqipria Veriore, Serbia nuk e humbte shpresn.
    N deklaratn q ishte shtojc e fsheht e Traktatit t aleancs midis Greqis dhe Serbis, m 19 maj t vitit 1913, u ndan sferat e interesit midis Greqis e Serbis n Shqiprin autonome sapo t formuar. Territori q gjendet n veri t gryks s lumit Seman n det, pastaj buz ktij lumi deri n grykn e Devollit, mandej buz Devollit deri n malin e Kamjes - hynte n sfern serbe t ndikimit. Pjesa jugore e Shqipris, prej ksaj vije, hynte n sfern greke t ndikimit. N rast trazirash n Shqipri, dy shtetet duhej t merreshin vesh pr qndrimin q do t merrnin.
    Kto jan krkesat maksimale q i kemi paraqitur n nj dokument me shkrim ndaj Shqipris.

    III PAKTI I LONDRS DHE SHQIPRIA

    Pakti i Londrs, lidhur m 16 prill t vitit 1915 midis Francs, Britanis s Madhe, Rusis dhe Italis, kishte kto dispozita lidhur me Shqiprin:
    N vrejtjen e nenit 5 thuhej: Katr fuqit aleate do tu ndajn tokat e Adriatikut t prmendura m posht Kroacis, Serbis e Malit t Zi (.....). N Adriatikun e poshtm (n viset q e interesojn Serbin e Malin e Zi) tr bregdetin prej kepit t Plamks deri n lumin Dri me portet e rndsishme Splitin, Dubrovnikun, Kotorrin, Tivarin, Ulqinin e Shngjinin... Porti i Durrsit do ti dorzohet shtetit t pavarur mysliman Shqipris.
    N nenin 6 thuhej: Italia do ti marr n pronsi t plot Vlorn, ishullin Sazan dhe, prve ktyre, nj territor mjaft t gjer pr mbrojtjen e tyre, do t thot pjesn midis lumit Vjosa n veri e n lindje dhe n jug deri n Himar.
    N nenin 7 thuhet: N qoft se formohet nj shtet i vogl autonom dhe neutral i Shqipris, Italia nuk do ta kundrshtoj dshirn e Francs, t Britanis s Madhe e t Rusis, q viset veriore dhe jugore t Shqipris t ndahen midis Malit t Zi, Serbis dhe Greqis.
    Italia do ta fitoj t drejtn q ti udhheq punt e jashtme t Shqipris.
    Q n vitin 1915, fuqit e mdha, pra,e pranuan parimin e ndarjes s Shqipris dhe pranuan se n Shqipri kan interesat e veta Italia, Serbia dhe Greqia. Ndrsa dy shteteve ballkanike u jepej e drejta e korrigjimit t kufijve, Italis i jepej Vlora dhe protektorati mbi Shqiprin e cunguar.

    IV. SHQIPRIA N KONFERENCN E PAQES
    Pikpamje e fuqive t mdha

    N Konferencn e paqes, fuqit aleate (Franca, Britania e Madhe dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara t Ameriks), pr Shqiprin propozuan m par, n veri dhe n lindje, ata kufij q i kan caktuar n Konferencn e Londrs n vitin 1913; ia njohn Italis sovranitetin e plot mbi Vlorn dhe prapavijn e nevojshme dhe ia dhan Italis mandatin pr administrimin e shtetit t lir shqiptar nn kontrollin e Lidhjes s Kombeve. (Memorandumi i 9 dhjetorit t vitit 1919)
    Pikpamja jon. - (Kundr mandatit t Italis. Pr Shqiprin e lir. Argumentet pr korrigjimin e kufirit dhe pr marrjen e Shkodrs dhe t Shqipris Veriore).
    Pr prgjigjen ton t 8 janarit t vitit 1920, ne e kundrshtuam propozimin q Italis ti jepej mandati mbi Shqiprin, duke theksuar se kjo do t ishte prsritje e rastit t Bosnjs e Hercegovins. Kjo zgjidhje, thuhej n prgjigjen ton, do t krijonte n favor t Italis kufirin ofensiv kundr shtetit ton, i cili do t ishte i privuar nga mjetet pr mbrojtje. Kjo do t ishte, nj far dore, prparsi ofensive, por edhe mbshtetje tjetr e prsosur strategjike.
    Ne kemi krkuar, pr shkaqe ekonomike dhe strategjike, q t bhet korrigjimi i kufijve ndaj nesh (n rrjedhn e mesme t Drinit, n Bun dhe n lidhje me fiset e Kelmendve dhe t Kastratve), q i ka caktuar Konferenca e Londrs e vitit 1913. Prpos ktij korreksioni, delegaconi yn ka deklaruar se zgjidhja m e mir sht q Shqipria t bhet shtet i pavarur n kufijt e vitit 1913 dhe me administrat autonome.
    N rast se nuk do t pranohej kjo zgjidhje, ose n qoft se pjesa jugore e Shqipris do tu takonte shteteve t tjera, Delegacioni yn do t krkoj pr ne pjesn veriore t Shqipris deri n Dri. Shteti yn ka t drejta t vjetra karshi ktyre viseve, - thuhet n memorandumin ton. Shkodra ka qen kryeqyteti i mbretrve serb. Populli yn ka derdhur lumenj gjaku pr Shkodrn, sidomos n luftn e vitit 1913, e cila i kushtoi Serbis shum mijra ushtar t saj e Malit t Zi nj t tretn e ushtris s tij. Pr ti plotsuar dshirat e Fuqive t Mdha, trupat serbe e malazeze e zbrazn n vitin 1913 Shkodrn dhe Shqiprin Veriore. Austria duke e mobilizuar ushtrin, u krcnua me luft. Shkodra mund ti takonte Malit t Zi sikur t kishte pranuar q Llovqenin tia lshonte Austris, ose q t neutralizohej. Por, Mali i Zi nuk pranoi tia lshonte Austris kt pozit t rndsishme strategjike.
    Lugina e Drinit dhe Shkodra prbjn nj trsi gjeografike dhe ekonomnike me Malin e Zi dhe viset kufitare t Serbis. Pr Serbin e Mesme dhe Malin e Zi lugina e Drinit sht e vetmja rrug e drejtprdrejt dhe m e shkurtr pr Adriatik. Hekurudha e rndsishme Danub Adriatik duhet t kaloj npr luginn e Drinit. Konferenca e Ambasadorve e Londrs n vitin 1913 ia ka pranuar Serbis t drejtn e daljes n det.
    Shkodra sht n lidhje edhe me lumin Buna, e cila ia hap tregtis malazeze rrugn e natyrshme pr n det. Qysh me Traktatin e Berlinit, Mali i Zi e gzon t drejtn e lundrimit t lir n Bun. Liqeni i Shkodrs, n pjesn m t madhe, i takon Malit t Zi. Pr shkak t pakujdesis turke, tokat m t mira malazeze ende jan t prmbytura nga uji i liqenit t Shkodrs. Prandaj, shtetin ton, n masn m t madhe, e intereson rregullimi i Buns dhe i Drinit, jo vetm pr shkak t lundrimit npr Bun, por edhe pr arsye se n kt mnyr do t thaheshin 12 deri 20.000 hektar tok shum pjellore dhe po aq do t bonifikoheshin. Dy t tretat e ksaj toke i takojn Malit t Zi.

    Pikpamja italiane.
    (Sipas memorandumit t 10 janarit t vitit 1920)

    Italia krkon nga Lidhja e Kombeve mandatin q ta administroj shtetin e pavarur shqiptar.
    Kufijt shqiptar n veri dhe n lindje do t jen ata q kan qen caktuar n Konferencn e Londrs. Kufiri jugor do t jet objekt shqyrtimi.
    Qyteti i Vlors do ti jepet Italis n sovranitet t plot me prapavijn e nevojshme pr mbrojtjen e saj dhe pr zhvillimin ekonomik.
    Aleatt pranojn q Shkodra dhe Shqipria Veriore ti bashkohen Jugosllavis
    Duke propozuar nj zgjidhje t prgjithshme t shtjes s Adriatikut, e n lidhje me dorzimin e Rijeks Italis, Klemanso, n cilsin e kryetarit t Konferencs s Paqes, m 13 janar t vitit 1920, u tha Pashiqit e Trumbiqit: Pra, Shteti i Serbve, i Kroatve dhe i Sllovenve do t ngritet n kulmin e fuqis s vet, ani edhe kur ta ket Shkodrn, Drinin dhe Shngjinin e Medovanit.
    Niti e pat pranuar kt, me kusht q Italia ta mbante Vlorn dhe ta merrte mandatin mbi Shqiprin.

    Prgjigjja jon e fundit Konferencs s Paqes

    N prgjigjjen ton t fundit Konferencs s Paqes, m 14 janar t vitit 1920, ne kemi parashtruar prsri qndrimin se zgjidhja m e mir do t ishte q administrata e Shqipris, n kufijt e caktuar n vitin 1913, ti besohet qeveris lokale autonome, pa ingjerenca t asnj fuqie t huaj. E n qoft se kjo zgjidhje nuk pranohet, por vendoset q pjes t territorit shqiptar tu jepen shteteve t tjera, Delegacini yn do t krkoj pjesn e Shqipris Veriore (duke paraqitur nj hart me kufirin e shnuar), pr t ciln premtoi regjim autonom.

    Pikpamja e t ndjerit Pashiq

    Kur dukej si e sigurt se aleatt do ta lejonin Italin q t prforcohej n Shqiprin e Mesme, kryetari i Delegacionit ton, Pashiq, n mbarim t vitit 1919, e informoi qeverin n Beograd se kishte ardhur asti q, t shtrnguar nga rrethanat, ta ndryshonin politikn ton ndaj Shqipris. N at letr thuhej: Pasi, pr shkak t deprtimit t Italis dhe t prkrahjes s saj nga ana e fuqive t mdha, nuk mund ta kthejm n Shqipri gjendjen q ishte para evakuimit t ushtris son dhe n kohn e pushtetit t Esad Pashs; pasi fuqit e mdha po duan ta zbatojn Marrveshjen e Londrs dhe Shqipria nuk do t jet ajo q ne e kemi krkuar dhe aleatet do tia japin Italis Vlorn me interland dhe protektoratin mbi nj pjes t Shqipris, n kto rrethana, duhet t krkojm kufij t tjer m t mir me territoret shqiptare q do t jen nn protektoratin e Italis.
    Minimumi q do t pranojm nga aleatt sht ky: kufiri buz Drinit t Zi deri te bashkimi me Drinin e Bardh e prej aty buz Drinit deri n det.
    Ne duhet t krkojm maksimumin, n mnyr q Italia t marr sa m pak. Ky maksimum i pretendimeve tona do t ishte: lumi i Matit deri n burimin e tij e prej andej drejt nga lindja deri te Drini i Zi. Pra, Mati dhe Drini do t ishin kufijt tan me protektoratin italian.

    V. PUSHTIMI ITALIAN I SHQIPRIS PAS LUFTSDHE TRHEQJA DEFINITIVE PAS MOSSUKSESIT TE VLORA

    Pas mbarimit t lufts, n baz t nj vendimi ushtarak t aleatve, trupat italiane e pushtuan tr territorin e Shqipris, madje edhe at pjesn veriore, e cila na ishte dhn me Paktin e Londrs. Vetm Shkodra kishte mbetur nn pushtetin e prbashkt t trupave franceze dhe italiane.
    Pr shkak t qndrimit armiqsor q kishte ather Italia ndaj shtetit t Serbve, t Kroatve e t Sllovenve, ne e konsideronim kt pushtim ushtarak italian t Shqipris rrezik m t madh pr ekzistencn ton. N tokn shqiptare u zhvillua nj luft e rrept midis nesh dhe Italis. Italiant ather e iniciuan shtjen malazeze dhe at maqedonase si dhe iden e Shqipris s Madhe deri n Kaanik. Ne zhvilluam kundr tyre aksione her t fshehta, her t hapta, duke bler me para parin shqiptare dhe duke proklamuar iden e Shqipris s pavarur dhe Ballkani popujve ballkanik.
    Paknaqsia e popullsis shqiptare, pr t ciln e kemi prkrahjen edhe ne, i detyroi italiant q, n fillim t vitit 1920, ti trhiqnin trupat e tyre nga viset e brendshme t Shqipris dhe t ndaleshin vetm rreth Vlors, prej nga, n qershor t po atij viti, u detyruan t trhiqen dhe t lidhin me qeverin e Tirans nj marrveshje pr evakuimin e tyre nga tr territori shqiptar, prve ishullit t Sazanit.
    Evakuimi nga Shqipria u b, pra, n saje t rezistencs s organizuar t shqiptarve, por nuk duhet harruar se Italia, n at koh ishte politikisht edhe ushtarakisht shum e dobt. Edhe sot ka shqiptar q mendojn se kur t donin do t mund ti dbonin italiant nga Shqipria.
    Ky vetbesim sht fatal pr ta, sepse nuk po e shohin se Italia fashiste e sotme nuk sht ajo q ishte n vitin 1920 nn qeverin parlamenare t Nitit, t Gjolitit dhe t Fakts.

    V SHQIPRIA PARA KONFERENCS SAMBASADORVE

    Meqense me evakuimin e trupave italiane nga Shqipria situata n terren ishte spastruar, Konferenca e Ambasadorve, n nntor t vitit 1921, mund t merrte vendim pr njohjen e Shqipris si shtet i pavarur dhe sovran. N vend t premtimeve t mparshme lidhur me Vlorn dhe mandatin mbi Shqiprin, fuqit e mdha ia njohn Italis vetm interesin e saj special p ruajtjen e pavarsis shqiptare. Shqipria u pranua edhe n Lidhjen e Kombeve, me shpres se kjo do ta siguronte edhe m tepr pavarsin e saj.
    Para Konferencs s Amasadorve provuam kot edhe nj her q ta fitonim t drejtn e korrigjimit t kufirit n drejtim t Shkodrs dhe n drejtim t Drinit, duke theksuar pr Shkodrn shkaqet historike e pr Drinin shkaqet ekonomike dhe ato t komunikacionit. Eksperti francez n Konferenc, Larosh, na ngushlloi kshtu: Qeveria mbretrore ka gabuar q, n kohn e vet, nuk e ka pranuar propozimin pr ndarjen e Shqipris. Pashiqi qe pajtuar me kt, por qeveria e Beogradit pat refuzuar. Q t mos i lejonim italiant n Vlor, ne u detyruam t heqim dor nga Shkodra dhe nga kufijt deri n Dri.
    Meqense ne e prkrahnim gjithnj iden pr mosndarjen e territorit shqiptar, q ishte caktuar n vitin 1913, si dhe pavarsin e Shqipris, do t mund t supozohej se kjo zgjidhje e Konferencs s Ambasadorve ishte e knaqshme pr ne. Ndrkaq, kjo nuk sht kshtu. Vshtirsit n marrdhniet tona me Shqiprin, si dhe n marrdhniet tona me Italin pr shkak t Shqipris po rndohen m tutje edhe pas shpalljes s Shqipris shtet i pavarur dhe antare e Lidhjes s Kombeve.

    Republika e Mirdits

    Ndrsa Konferenca e Ambasadorve po vendoste pr kufijt e Shqipris dhe pr organizimin e pavarsis s saj, nga gjysma e vitit 1921, ne nnshkruam me parin e Mirdits marrveshjen pr bashkpunim. Ishte parapar formimi i shtetit t lir t Mirdits, t cilin do ta mbronin forcat ushtarake t SKS-s dhe interesat e s cils n botn e jashtme do ti prfaqsonte qeveria e Beogradit. Qeveria e Tirans e shtypi kt lvizje e ne u akuzuam dhe u dnuam para Lidhjes s Kombeve.

    VII. PAKTI I ROMS, PASHIQI, MUSOLINI DHE SHQIPRIA

    Pakti i Roms, i janarit t vitit 1924, pr nga fryma e vet, ua imponoi Roms e Beogradit respektimin e pavarsis dhe parimin e mosprzierjes n punt e brendshme t Shqipris, si dhe informimin e ndrsjell mbi ngjarjet n Shqipri.
    Ndrkaq, kjo nuk qe penges q Qeveria italiane, n qershor t vitit 1924, ta ndihmonte kryengritjen e Fan Nolit kundr Ahmet Zogut e as qeveria jon, n dhjetor po t atij viti, tia bnte t mundshme Ahmet Zogut, q, nga territori yn, t futet n Shqipri pr ta marr pushtetin. As Roma, as Beogradi, nuk mundn tu bnin ball intrigave dhe krkesave t miqve t vet shqiptar, q krkonin ndihm pr ta mbajtur pushtetin ose pr t ardhur n pushtet dhe q premtonin besnikri e bashkpunim, kurse n rastin e par e ndrronin orientimin.

    VIII PAKTI I TIRANS DHE GJENDJA Q KRIJOI AI

    I ndjeri Pashiq, duke u dhn udhzime prfaqsuesve tan pr pun n Shqipri, u thoshte: ne duam q Shqipria t jet e pavarur, por e dobt dhe e paregulluar. Koha ka treguar se kjo ishte e pamundshme t qndronte. Shqipria e dobt dhe e parregulluar patjetr do t krkonte ndihm e mbrojtje atje ku mund ti gjente kto. Regjimi i rrezikuar nga Italia, na drejtohej neve, e regjimin t cilin donim ta prmbysnim ne, krkonte mbrojtje nga Italia.
    Shqipria e dobt dhe e parregulluar, n vitin 1926, krkoi mbrojtje e ndihm nga Italia. Ahmet Zogu s pari mori garanci pr regjimin e vet, e pastaj, n vitin1927, pranoi t lidh Aleancn ushtarake pr 20 vjet, mori me qindra e qindra miliona lireta pr pun botore, ia nnshtroi plotsisht Shqiprin Italis n pikpamje ekonomike e financiare, pranoi shum instruktor italian. U krijua, pra, nj raport q i ngjante shum atij protektorati, kundr t cilit ne luftonim n Konferencn e Paqes.
    Rreziku m i madh q viteve t fundit na vinte nga Shqipria ishin organizimi ushtarak, fortifikimet ushtarake dhe aksioni irredentist. Gjithkund e shihnim rrezikun nga aksioni italian dhe at kufirin ofensiv kundr t cilit kishim luftuar para aleatve n Paris, kur ata propozonin q Italis ti jepej mandati n Shqipri.
    sht me interes t prmendim n kt vend se vetm ne kemi protestuar dhe kemi luftuar kundr ndrhyrjes s Italis n Shqipri dhe n Ballkan. Asnj shtet tjetr ballkanik nuk na prkrahu n kt pikpamje. Dy fuqit detare mesdhetare, Franca dhe Anglia, nuk kundrshtuan mbylljen e detit Adriatik. Pr m tepr, Osten emberlen, n takimin me Musolinin n Livorno, n vitin 1926, e dha plqimin pr Paktin e Tirans. E t gjith prfaqsuesit francez n Tiran gjithnj e kshillonin mbretin Zog q t mos hynte n konflikt me italiant.

    IX. PAKTI ITALO-JUGOSLLAV I MIQSIS I 25 MARSIT 1937

    Italia e Jugosllavia, duke ndjekur politik miqsore njra me tjetrn, mund t merren vesh n lidhje me Shqiprin, n kt baz: Italia ka interesin e vet jetsor n Vlor; kjo pjes e bregdetit shqiptar nuk bn t rrezikohet nga ne; ne duhet ta kuptojm kt interes dhe ta respektojm. Interesi jetsor i Jugosllavis sht q t mos jet e rrezikuar n kufirin e Shqipris me Serbin Jugore as me Kosovn (e banuar me shqiptar) e as me Shkodrn dhe Malin e Zi. Pa dyshim se kjo sht marr parasysh n protokollin e fsheht t Paktit t Miqsis kur sht parapar se do t ndalet fortifikimi i mtejshm n zonat e Librazhdit e t Milotit. Sa i prket aksionit ekonomiko-financiar n Shqipri, ne nuk kemi as nuk dshirojm t investojm far mjetesh t posame. Italiant, pra, mbeten pa konkurrenc dhe pa vrejtje nga ana jon, kuptohet me kusht q t mbeten n kufijt e obligimit tjetr t fsheht, q e kan marr ndaj nesh para dy vjetve se n pikpamje politike, ekonomike ose financiare nuk do t krkojn kurrfar dobish speciale q do ta komprometonin n mnyr t drejtprdrejt ose t trthtort pavarsin e shtetit shqiptar.
    N kt mnyr, Pakti i Miqsis, i 25 marsit 1937, krijoi nj modus vivendi t durueshm midis nesh dhe Italis n terrenin shqiptar, ku, viteve t mparshme, kishim aq shum konflikte dhe mosmarrveshje.
    sht shtje tjetr se sa n Shqipri do t mund tu bnte ball ky qetsim sprovave t ndonj situate m t rnd e m t ndrlikuar n detin Mesdhe ose n Ballkan.

    X RUAJTJA OSE NDRYSHIMI I STATUS KUOS
    Pavarsia e Shqipris sht zvogluar, por nuk sht shuar

    Pavarsia e nj shteti ndaj bots s jashtme gjithmon sht nocion relativ. Duke marr parasysh edhe rrethanat, kjo pavarsi sht m e plot ose sht e zvogluar. Pr Shqiprin sot nuk mund t thuhet se politika e saj e brendshme dhe e jashtme sht e pavarur nga Italia. E megjithat, n bashksin ndrkombtare, Shqipria konsiderohet shtet i pavarur. Nga aspekti juridik ndrkomtar, bregdeti shqitpar nuk sht italian, por sht nn sovranitetin e nj shteti ballkanik. Italia ende nuk ka shkelur n Ballkan. Ajo ka sovranitetin e vet n nj pjes t territorit t Zars, por kjo m nuk i jep mundsi pr zhvillim t mtejshm. Italia ushtron ndikimin e vet n Shqipri, por nuk ka liri aksioni si n territorin e vet. Shqiptart, megjithat, e kundrshtojn ndrhyrjen e saj, i shkaktojn vshtirsi, e ngadalsojn.

    Ballkani popujve ballkanik

    Politika tradicionale e Serbis sht Ballkani popujve ballkanik. Ky parim, n kohn e vet, sht prdorur n luft kundr Perandoris Otomane dhe Monarkis Austro-Hungareze. Jugosllavia e prdori me sukses kt kundr dispozitave t Paktit t Londrs, i cili fuste Italin n Dallmaci dhe n Shqipri.
    N aplikimin e ktij parimi ne kemi par gjthmon garancin m t mir pr paqe n Ballkan, pr bashkpunim midis popujve ballkanik, pr zhvillimin normal t popujve ballkanik. Prania e nj fuqie t madhe n Ballkan sht der e hapur pr intriga e pushtime.

    Ekspansioni i Italis

    A sht e mundur q Italia, duke u br zotruese sovrane e Shqipris s Mesme dhe Jugore, t mbetet vetm n at brez t ngusht bregdetar? Ne nuk kemi besuar para 20 vjetve, kur fuqit e mdha ia dhuruan Italis Vlorn me hinterlandin. Aq m pak mund t besojm sot kur Italia po tregon aq dinamizm dhe guxim n politikn e vet t jashtme.

    Nj precedent i rrezikshm

    Marrja e nj pjese t territorit ballkanik nga ana e nj fuqie t madhe jashtballkanike, pa kurrfar baze etnike, pr t gjith popujt ballkanik, pra, edhe pr ne, sht nj precedent i rrezikshm. Fuqit e tjera t mdha, nga drejtimet e tjera, mund t paraqiten me pretendime t ngjashme. Rasti i Italis n Shqipri sht posarisht i rrezikshm pr ne, sepse me Paktin e Londrs, me t cilin Italis iu njoh pr her t par Shqipria Jugore, iu njoh edhe Dalmacia Veriore. Precdenti pr ngjalljen e dispozitave t Paktit t Londrs n nj sektor t Ballkanit e hap dern edhe pr ngjalljen e dispozitave t tjera.

    Ndarja e Shqipris

    Me rastin e vlersimit t tr ksaj shtjeje, duhet t kemi parasysh se n do mnyr duhet t shikojm q ti shmangemi do konflikti qoft t fsheht qoft t hapt me Italin. Gjithashtu duhet ta evitojm pushtimin e tr Shqipris nga ana e Italis se n kt mnyr do t na rrezikonte n vendet m t ndjeshme n Bok t Kotorrit dhe n Kosov.
    Duke marr parasysh t gjitha kto q tham m sipr, ndarja e Shqipis do t mund t vinte n konsiderim pr ne vetm si nj e keqe e domosdoshme dhe e paevitueshme, t cils nuk do t mund ti bnim ball, dhe si nj dm i madh nga i cili duhet t nxjerrim aq dobi sa sht e mundshme, do t thot nga dy t kqija duhet ta zgjedhim at q sht m e vogl.

    Kompensimet tona

    Kto kompensime gjenden n materialin e prpunuar para 20 vjetsh, kur shtrohej shtja e ndarjes s Shqipris.
    Maksimumi q kemi krkuar n at koh ishte kufiri q do t shtrihej buz Matit e Drinit t Zi dhe q do t na jepte sigurin strategjike t Malit t Zi dhe t Kosovs. Gjithashtu duhet ti siguroj luginat e liqenet t Ohrit dhe t Presps, duke prfshir Pogradecin dhe fshatrat sllave t Malit t That, si dhe ato midis Presps e Kors.

    Marrja e Shkodrs, n kt rast, do t kishte rndsi t madhe morale dhe ekonomike.

    Kjo do t na mundsonte zhvillimin e punimeve t mdha hidroteknike dhe prfitimin e toks pjellore pr ushqimin e Malit t Zi. Shqipria Veriore, n kuadrin e Jugosllavis, do t mundsonte krijimin e lidhjeve t reja t komunikacionit t Serbis Veriore e Jugore me Adriatikun.
    Me ndarjen e Shqipris do t zhdukej qendra trheqse pr minoritetin shqiptar n Kosov, i cili, n nj situat t re, do t asimilohej m leht. Ne, eventualisht, do t kishim edhe 200 000 deri 300 000 mij shqiptar m tepr, por kta jan, t shumtn, katolik, marrdhniet e t cilve me shqiptart mysliman nuk kan qen kurr t mira. Shprngulja e shqiptarve n Turqi gjithashtu do t bhej n rrethana t reja, sepse nuk do t ekzistonte kurrfar aksioni m i fort pr pengimin e saj.
    Beograd, m 30 janar 1939
    (Marr nga libri: Hivzi Islami, SPASTRIMET ETNIKE / Politika gjenocidale serbe ndaj shqiptarve, Botoi DUKAGJINI, Pej, 2003.

    Shnim i redaksis:

    Ky elaborat iu drgua pr botim LSHA-s dorazi nga Prishtina prej dy shkrimtarsh voxist. Ndrmjetsi ka qen poeti Xhevahir Spahiu, i cili e kreu ndershmrisht detyrn e ngarkuar, anipse LSHA nuk e botoi kurr projektin e zi t shkrimtarit nobelist serb, Ivo Andriq. Botohet pr her t par n Shqipri.

  2. Anetart m posht kan falenderuar forum126 pr postimin:

    bsdev (03-03-2017)

  3. #2
    i/e regjistruar Maska e Brari
    Antarsuar
    23-04-2002
    Postime
    18,827
    kto punet e Andricit nuk botohen per here te pare..
    une i kam lexuar keto gjera ne shqip shume kohe me pare.
    por a ne ndonje liber a gazete te botuar ne Kosove apo ne Shqiperi.. kte nuk e mbaj mend tani sepse kan kaluar nja 20 vite besoj.
    Por ata qe kan studiuar seriozisht historine keto planet e Andricit i kan ditur shume e shume vite me pare.
    Nejse rendesi ka qe ne cdo kohe keto te lexohen e njerzit ti dine.
    Pra autori i Ures mbi Drino etjetj.. praIvo Andrici qe eshte lauruar me cmim Nobel per "humanizem" e harmonine mes popujve.. qe ka dashur kinse te "frymezoje" ne veprat e tije.. ishte ne fakt ndaj shqiptareve nje partizan i Genocidit.

    Ivo pra ishte nje JUGOSLLAV i madh per Ata por nje krokodil dinak e i kulturuar ndaj kombit tone.


    Prandaj ne qe i dime keto gjera me kohe nuk u bem entuziaste kur filloi "shitpord.hja e madhe" me ato te ashtuquajturat komunikatat uck-iste te LPK-se sigurimso enveriste.. sepse e nuhatem se pas kesaj do te vinte ai genocidi i tmerrshem qe ne shqipot smund ta ndalnim.. e qe me syte tane e pame se si Kosova mbaroj.. totalisht.. se si endrra e pune e sakrifica shum vjecare te mijra atdhetareve u ben shkrumb e hi sa hap e mbyll syte..
    dhe kosova jone..u be cader.. ne laprake.. barrake ne stankovac.. e refugjat te lemerisur neper otranto..
    por o Zot i Madh qe je ne Qiell e qe i paske pas do Njerz ne Toke sikurse Klark Wollker Bler Klintonat.. nje thannkju te madhe.. te paharrushme.. qe
    .. na e shpetove Kosoven..

    qashtu..

    pergezime forums per shkrimin..qe ke sjelle..
    Ndryshuar pr her t fundit nga D@mian : 27-08-2006 m 05:01

  4. Anetart m posht kan falenderuar Brari pr postimin:

    bsdev (03-03-2017)

  5. #3
    i/e regjistruar Maska e Kreksi
    Antarsuar
    20-11-2004
    Vendndodhja
    Franc
    Postime
    5,616
    Citim Postuar m par nga Brari
    kto punet e Andricit nuk botohen per here te pare..
    une i kam lexuar keto gjera ne shqip shume kohe me pare.
    por a ne ndonje liber a gazete te botuar ne Kosove apo ne Shqiperi.. kte nuk e mbaj mend tani sepse kan kaluar nja 20 vite besoj.
    Por ata qe kan studiuar seriozisht historine keto planet e Andricit i kan ditur shume e shume vite me pare.
    Nejse rendesi ka qe ne cdo kohe keto te lexohen e njerzit ti dine.
    Pra autori i Ures mbi Drino etjetj.. praIvo Andrici qe eshte lauruar me cmim Nobel per "humanizem" e harmonine mes popujve.. qe ka dashur kinse te "frymezoje" ne veprat e tije.. ishte ne fakt ndaj shqiptareve nje partizan i Genocidit.

    Ivo pra ishte nje JUGOSLLAV i madh per Ata por nje krokodil dinak e i kulturuar ndaj kombit tone.


    Prandaj ne qe i dime keto gjera me kohe nuk u bem entuziaste kur filloi "shitpord.hja e madhe" me ato te ashtuquajturat komunikatat uck-iste te gorillave te LPK-se sigurimso enveriste.. sepse e nuhatem se pas kesaj do te vinte ai genocidi i tmerrshem qe ne shqipot smund ta ndalnim.. e qe me syte tane e pame se si Kosova mbaroj.. totalisht.. se si endrra e pune e sakrifica shum vjecare te mijra atdhetareve u ben shkrumb e hi sa hap e mbyll syte..
    dhe kosova jone..u be cader.. ne laprake.. barrake ne stankovac.. e refugjat te lemerisur neper otranto..
    por o Zot i Madh qe je ne Qiell e qe i paske pas do Njerz ne Toke sikurse Klark Wollker Bler Klintonat.. nje thannkju te madhe.. te paharrushme.. qe
    .. na e shpetove Kosoven..

    qashtu..

    pergezime forums per shkrimin..qe ke sjelle..
    E pergezoje forum 126 per sjelljen e ketije dokumenti kaqe te rendesishem ketu ne kete rubrike.
    Po ju kisha lutur ndonjerit nese ka mundesi qe ky dokument te vendoset edhe ne gjuhet tjera se si e tha edhe Brari, keto i kemi lexuar ne shqipe po si te jete e mundur ose te perkthehet ne dy gjuhet se paku, frengjishte dhe anglishte, ka rendesi te madhe.

    Qe ra kjo tem, desha te flase me kete raste ne emer te Kadares s Madh, i cili ne parathenjen e librit te Qosjes botuar ne Paris para 10 vitesh, ai e permend edhe kete tekste famekeqe te Andriit ku per here te pare opinjoni i jashtem u njohtua me elaborate te tilla nga njerez gjoja "human"para syve te botes kurse ne anen tjeter jane marrur me laborime te tilla si Andriqi si Qubrillovii per te gjetur metoda e manevrime diabolike per ti zhdukur shqiptart nga ballkani, andaje ne gjenerata e re shqiptare nuk duhet tua falim ketyre mistrecave e gjakpirsve kete dinakeri por do bojkotojme qe kurr ne trojet shqiptare mos te botohen librat e tyre te zeza ne asnje shtypshkronje e as mos te zihet ne goje emri i tyre pepose ketije pamfleti te zi qe te njihemi perhere me synimet serbe ndaje popullit shqiptar.

    Mallkuar qofshin armiqet e popullit shqiptar !

  6. #4
    Restaurator Orbis Maska e Baptist
    Antarsuar
    20-11-2004
    Postime
    8,680
    Ne jemi budallenje. Ivo Andriqit do ti terhiqej cmimi Nobel, pa asnje hamendje po te kishte shqiptare qe e meritojne lirine dhe dinjitetin. Kjo kurre nuk do te mbetej keshtu po te kishte te bente me popullin hebre edhe po te ishin zhdukur te gjithe pos njerit. Ai nje do te bente cmos qe te denohej edhe per se vdekuri dhe jo vetem ti hiqej cmimi nobel i paqes nje krimineli qe hartoi plane per gjenocid ndaj popullit te tij. Po jo ne!
    Tmerr!!!

  7. #5
    alpha dominant Maska e D@mian
    Antarsuar
    20-09-2005
    Vendndodhja
    Boston, MA
    Postime
    1,170
    Citim Postuar m par nga Kreksi
    Po ju kisha lutur ndonjerit nese ka mundesi qe ky dokument te vendoset edhe ne gjuhet tjera se si e tha edhe Brari, keto i kemi lexuar ne shqipe po si te jete e mundur ose te perkthehet ne dy gjuhet se paku, frengjishte dhe anglishte, ka rendesi te madhe.
    Anglisht:

    1939
    Ivo Andric:
    Draft on Albania

    Blunt in its nationalist ideology is the "Draft on Albania" written in 1939 by the well-known Bosnian Serb short-story writer and novelist Ivo Andric (1892-1975). Andric was educated in Zagreb, Graz and Vienna. After World War I, he joined the diplomatic service and served as Yugoslav ambassador to Berlin in 1940. The best known of his many prose works is: "The Bridge on the Drina," London 1959. In 1961, he was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature.

    I. The Balkan War and Albania

    Access to the Adriatic for the Serbian Army

    According to a secret appendix to the treaty of alliance between Bulgaria and Serbia, dated 29 February 1912, Serbia was granted a right to the territories to the north and west of the Shar mountains previously held by Turkey. In connection with this provision, Serbian troops, in order to provide their country with an access to the sea, advanced on Lezha on 15 November 1912 and gradually took possession of the whole of northern Albania right down to Tirana and Durrs. On 25 November 1912, Pašic published a statement in the London Times indicating that Serbia claimed Durrs with a considerable hinterland.

    The Establishment of an Autonomous Albania

    On 20 December 1912, however, the Conference of Ambassadors in London resolved to set up an autonomous Albania, giving Serbia only the right to a trading outlet on the Adriatic Sea. On 20 March 1913, the same conference resolved to cede Shkodra to Albania. Montenegro refused to accept the decision of the Great Powers and was supported in this regard by Serbia, which sent troops to reinforce the siege of Shkodra. The Great Powers countered (on 21 March) with a naval demonstration, only Russia abstaining. Austro-Hungarian, English, French, German and Italian destroyers gathered in the vicinity of Bari and forced Serbian troops to retreat from their positions in the Shkodra region.

    The Blockade of the Montenegrin Coast

    On 12 April, the Great Powers announced a blockade of the Montenegrin coastline. The Montenegrin government, however, persisted in its siege of Shkodra, which finally capitulated on 20 April. King Nikolla of Montenegro was, nonetheless, force to yield, and on 4 May, in a telegramme sent to Sir Edward Grey, he ceded Shkodra to the Great Powers. The international occupation of Shkodra was to last from 5 May 1913 to the beginning of the World War.

    II. Serbia and Greece Divide their Spheres of Influence in Albania

    Though under pressure from the Great Powers, primarily from Austria, Serbia did not give up hope, despite the fact that it had been forced to retreat from the Adriatic and northern Albania.
    The spheres of influence of Greece and Serbia in the newly established autonomous Albania were laid down in a declaration which formed a secret appendix to the treaty of alliance, dated 19 May 1913, between Greece and Serbia. The territory north of the Seman river from the sea up to the mouth of the Devoll river, and north of the Devoll river up to Mount Komjan was to be within the Serbian sphere of influence. The regions of Albania south of this line were to belong to the Greek sphere of influence. In case of riots in Albania, the two countries were to reach an agreement on the position they would adopt. These are the maximum demands which we presented to Albania in a written document.

    III. The London Agreement and Albania

    The London Agreement, signed on 26 April 1915 between France, Great Britain, Russia and Italy, contained the following provisions with regard to Albania:

    1. The note to Article 5 states: "The following Adriatic territory shall be assigned by the four Allied Powers to Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro:... And, in the Lower Adriatic (in the region interesting Serbia and Montenegro) the whole coast from Cape Planka as far as the River Drin, with the important harbours of Spalato, Ragusa, Cattaro, Antivari, Dulcigno and St. Jean de Medua... The port of Durazzo to be assigned to the independent Moslem State of Albania."

    2. Article 6 reads as follows: "Italy shall receive full sovereignty over Valona, the island of Saseno and surrounding territory of sufficient extent to assure defence of these points (from the VoVussa to the north and east, approximately to the northern boundary of the district of Chimara on the south)."

    3. Article 7 reads as follows:... "and if the central portion of Albania is reserved for the establishment of a small autonomous neutralised State, Italy shall not oppose the division of Northern and Southern Albania between Montenegro, Serbia and Greece, should France, Great Britain and Russia so desire... Italy shall be charged with the representation of the State of Albania in its relations with foreign Powers."

    As early as 1915, therefore, the Great Powers had adopted the principle of a partition of Albania and conceded that Italy, Serbia and Greece had vested interests in Albania. The two Balkan countries were granted the right to revise borders, whereas Italy was granted Vlora as well as a protectorate over rump Albania.

    IV. Albania at the Peace Conference

    The Standpoint of the Great Powers

    At the peace conference, allied forces (France, Great Britain and the United States of America) initially proposed for Albania the southern and eastern borders which had been established at the London Conference of 1913. The allied forces recognized Italy's full sovereignty over Vlora and the requisite hinterland, giving Italy, in addition, a mandate to administer the independent state of Albania under the control of the League of Nations (Memorandum of 9 December 1919).

    Our Standpoint

    (Against the mandate of Italy. In favour of an independent Albania. Arguments for the revision of borders and for our acquisition of Shkodra and northern Albania).

    In our reply of 8 January 1920, we rejected the proposal for giving Italy a mandate over Albania, pointing out that this would be a repeat of the Bosnia-Hercegovina issue. "This resolution," we said in our reply, "would create an offensive border in Italy's favour against our country which, for its part, would be deprived of protection. This would mean an offensive advantage to one side and a strategic disadvantage to the other."
    For economic and strategic reasons, we asked for a revision of the border in our favour (the middle of the Drin and Buna rivers, as well as Kelmendi and Kastrati), as foreseen at the London Conference of 1913. In addition to this revision, our delegation declared that the best solution for Albania would be the establishment of an independent state within the borders of 1913 and of an autonomous administration.
    If this solution were not to be adopted, or if the southern part of Albania were to belong to other countries, our delegation would asked for the northern part of Albania down to the Drin river. "Our country has ancient claims on these areas, as our memorandum states. Shkodra is the one-time capital of Serbian rulers. Our nation has shed much blood for Shkodra, in particular during the 1913 war which cost Serbia the lives of several thousand soldiers and cost Montenegro one-third of its army. In order to comply with the wish of the Great Powers, Serbian and Montenegrin troops withdrew from Shkodra and the northern part of Albania in 1913. Austria had mobilized its forces and threatened war. Shkodra could have belonged to Montenegro, had Montenegro agreed to cede Lovcen to Austria or have it neutralized. But, Montenegro refused to cede this position of strategic importance to Austria."
    "The Drin valley, together with Shkodra, forms a geographical and economic entity with Montenegro and borderland areas of Serbia. For central Serbia and for Montenegro, the Drin valley is the only direct and indeed the shortest natural outlet to the Adriatic. The vital Danube-Adriatic railway should pass through the Drin valley. The Conference of Ambassadors, held in London in 1913, recognized Serbia's right of access to the sea."
    "Shkodra is also intimately linked to the Buna river which provides Montenegrin trade with a natural outlet to the sea. From as early as the Treaty of Berlin, Montenegro has enjoyed the right of free navigation down the Buna river. Most of Lake Shkodra belongs to Montenegro. Due to Turkish negligence, the best Montenegrin lands are still flooded by the waters of Lake Shkodra. Our country is, therefore, most interested in regulating the Buna and Drin rivers, not only for navigation down the Buna, but also because 12,000 to 20,000 hectares of very fertile land could thereby be drained and an equal area could be ameliorated. Two-thirds of this land belongs to Montenegro."

    The Italian Standpoint

    (According to the memorandum of 10 January 1920)

    1. Italy requests of the League of Nations a mandate to administer the independent state of Albania.

    2. The northern and eastern borders of Albania will be those drawn at the Conference of London. The southern border will be a matter of further examination.

    3. Italy will be granted sovereignty over the city of Vlora, with enough hinterland for its protection and economic development.

    The Allies Agree that Shkodra and Northern Albania be Annexed by Yugoslavia

    Proposing a comprehensive solution to the Adriatic question, Clemenceau, who was chairing the Peace Conference, said to Pašic and Trumbic on 13 January 1920, with regard to the cession of Rijeka to Italy: "The SHS state (i. e. the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) will thus ascend to the zenith of its power, even without the acquisition of Shkodra, the Drin and San Giovanni di Medua (Shngjin)."
    We did not agree to this, in view of the fact that Italy retained Vlora and got its mandate over Albania.

    Our Final Reply at the Peace Conference

    In our final reply at the Peace Conference, on 14 January 1920, we stated that we still held the view that the best solution would be that the administration of Albania, within the borders drawn in 1913, be conferred to a local, autonomous government with no authority being held over it by any foreign power. If this solution, however, was not accepted and parts of Albanian territory were to be ceded to other countries, our delegation would then lay claim to part of northern Albania (a map with delineated borders was submitted), for which it promised an autonomous regime.

    The Standpoint of the Late Pašic

    When it seemed certain that the Allies would allow Italy to consolidate its hold over central Albania, the chairman of our delegation, Pašic, informed the government in Belgrade at the end of 1919 that the moment had come for us, "compelled by circumstance, to change our policy towards Albania." This letter reads as follows:
    "Given that, because of Italian encroachment and of the support which Italy receives from the Powers, we cannot return to the situation which existed in Albania prior to the evacuation of our army and prior to the regime of Esad Pasha, and given that the Albania we favour will not come to be because the Allies have agreed to cede Vlora and its hinterland to Italy and to give Italy a protectorate over certain parts of Albania, we must, under such circumstances, stake our claims to different and better borders with the part of Albanian territory to come under the Italian protectorate."
    "The 'minimum' we will accept from the Allies is: the border along the Black Drin river down to the confluence of the White Drin river and from there along the Great Drin river down to the sea."
    "We should also claim a 'maximum', so that Italy receives as little territory as possible. The maximum of our claims should be: the Mat river to its source, and hence directly eastwards to the Black Drin river. The Mat and Drin rivers would thus constitute our borders with the Italian protectorate."

    V. The Italian Occupation of Albania in the Aftermath of War and its Definitive Withdrawal after Failure in Vlora

    Once the war was over, Italian troops, on the basis of an Allied military resolution, occupied the entire territory of Albania including the northern part which had been accorded to us under the London Agreement. Shkodra alone was under the joint occupation of French and Italian troops.
    In view of the hostile attitude taken by Italy towards the SHS state (the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) at the time, we considered Italy's military occupation of Albania a grave threat to our existence. A bitter struggle was waged between the Italians and us on Albanian territory. The Italians hence raised the issues of Montenegro and Macedonia, as well as the idea of a Greater Albania extending right to Kaaniku / Kacaniku. We took action against them, at times secretly and at times overtly, by bribing Albanian leaders and by countering with the idea of an 'independent Albania' and of the 'Balkans for the Balkan peoples'.
    The dissatisfaction of the Albanian population, which we supported, compelled the Italians to pull their troops out of inland Albania at the beginning of 1920 and to concentrate them in the vicinity of Valona (Vlora), from which region they were forced to withdraw in June of that year after an accord had been reached with the Tirana government for the evacuation of all Albanian territory, including the island of Sazan.
    The evacuation of Albania was accomplished as a result of organized resistance on the part of the Albanians, though one should not forget the fact that Italy was politically and militarily very weak at the time. Even at the present day, there are Albanians who think they could drive the Italians out of Albania whenever they liked. This self-confidence will prove fatal to them because they do not realize that the fascist regime in Italy is not the same as the Italy of 1920 under the parliamentary governments of Nitti, Giolitti and Facto.

    VI. Albania before the Conference of Ambassadors

    As the evacuation of Italian troops from Albania clarified the situation on the ground, the Conference of Ambassadors was in a position by November 1921 to take a decision on the recognition of Albania as an independent and sovereign state. In contrast to earlier promises, i. e. for Vlora and for a mandate over Albania, the Great Powers recognized only Italy's special interest in the maintenance of Albanian independence. Albania became a member of the League of Nations, hoping that this would help ensure and sustain its independence.
    Before the Conference of Ambassadors met, we endeavoured once again, though in vain, to have the borders revised and moved down towards Shkodra and the Drin river, citing historical reasons for Shkodra and economic and communications reasons for the Drin. The French expert at the Conference, Larochue, consoled us with these words: "The royal government made a mistake by not adopting the French proposal at the time for the partition of Albania. Pašic had agreed to the idea, but the government in Belgrade rejected it." In order to get the Italians out of Vlora, we had to abandon Shkodra and the border extending down to the Drin river.
    Since we had permanently endorsed the indivisibility of Albanian territory, as set forth in 1913, and Albanian independence, it could be assumed that the solution proposed by the Conference of Ambassadors was satisfactory to us. This has not been the case, however. We have been running into difficulties in our relations with Albania and in our relations with Italy over Albania, even though Albania has been proclaimed an independent country and has been granted membership in the League of Nations.

    The Republic of Mirdita

    Since the Conference of Ambassadors had taken a decision on the borders of Albania and on the conditions for its independence, we signed a co-operation agreement with the leaders of Mirdita in the middle of 1921. This agreement envisaged the setting up of an independent Mirdita republic which would be protected by the armed forces of the SHS state (the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) and whose interests abroad would be represented by the Belgrade government. The Tirana government suppressed this movement and we were subsequently accused and condemned before the League of Nations.

    VII. The Rome Pact, Pašic, Mussolini and Albania

    In spirit, the Rome pact of January 1924 stipulated that both Rome and Belgrade respect the independence of Albania and the principle of non-interference in the country's internal affairs, and that they exchange information about developments in Albania. This did not, however, hinder the Italian government from backing Fan Noli in June 1924 in his rebellion against Ahmet Zogu, nor did it hinder our government from making it possible for Ahmet Zogu to launch an attack on Albania in December of the same year from our territory, and to seize power. Neither Rome nor Belgrade could resist intrigues and appeals from their Albanian 'friends' who requested support to exercise or assume power, promising loyalty and co-operation in return, and who then changed their minds at the first opportunity.

    VIII. The Tirana Pact and its Implications

    Giving instructions to our representatives in Albania, the late Pašic used to say to them: "We want an independent, but a weak and unstable Albania." Time has shown that such a wish was impossible. A weak and unstable Albania had to ask for support and protection wherever it could find it. A regime which was threatened by Italy would turn to us, whereas a regime which we wanted to overthrow would turn to Italy for protection.
    In 1926, a weak and unstable Albania requested the protection and support of Italy. Having received initial guarantees for his regime, Ahmet Zogu later, in 1927, consented to the conclusion of a twenty-year military alliance and received hundreds of millions of lire for public works. Both economically and financially, he thoroughly subordinated Albania to Italy and took on many Italian advisors. A situation was thus created which much resembled the kind of protectorate we had opposed at the Peace Conference.
    The greatest threat to us from Albania in recent years has been the military buildup, as well as fortifications and irredentist activities. We saw a threat in all Italian activities and in the 'offensive border' which we had opposed in Paris when the Allies proposed that Italy be granted a mandate over Albania.
    It is of interest to note here that we protested and opposed the Italian penetration of Albania and the Balkans, but none of the other Balkan countries supported us on this issue. The two Mediterranean naval powers, France and England, did not oppose the blockade of the Adriatic Sea. Indeed, Sir Austen Chamberlain consented to the Tirana pact at his meeting with Mussolini in Leghorn (Livorno) in 1926. French representatives in Tirana constantly advised King Zogu to avoid conflict with the Italians.

    IX. The Italian-Yugoslav Friendship Pact of 25 March 1937

    As long as they maintain friendly relations towards one another, Italy and Yugoslavia can agree on Albania, based on the following: Italy has a vested interest in Vlora and we should not threaten this part of the Albanian coast. We should acknowledge and respect Italy's interest. It is in Yugoslavia's vital interest that we not be threatened on our own borders in southern Serbia, both in Kosovo (inhabited by Albanians) and in the Shkodra / Montenegro region. This was no doubt taken into consideration in the secret protocol supplementing the friendship pact, which also envisaged a stop to further fortifications in the Librazhd and Milot regions. As far as financial and economic interests in Albania are concerned, we do not have, nor do we intend to invest any considerable funds there. Our side thus offers no competition or objections to the Italians, provided of course that they comply with the second secret obligation towards us which they undertook two years ago, i. e. that they seek no special privileges in their political, economic and financial activities which would directly or indirectly compromise the independence of the Albanian state.
    The friendship pact of 25 March 1937 has thus created a tolerable 'modus vivendi' for us and for Italy on Albanian soil, where in the past we have so often been involved in conflicts and mutual suspicions.
    A quite different question is whether this truce in Albania will pass the test of time in view of the much more tense and complex situation in the Mediterranean and in the Balkans.

    X. Maintaining or Changing the Status Quo

    The Independence of Albania has been Weakened but not Destroyed

    The independence of a country is a concept which constantly changes in meaning for its neighbours. This independence can be either complete or reduced, depending on circumstances. As to present-day Albania, one cannot say that its domestic and foreign policies are independent of Italy. Yet, Albania is considered an independent state by the international community. According to international law, the Albanian coastline in not Italian, but rather under the sovereignty of that Balkan country. Italy has not yet encroached upon the Balkans. Italy possesses sovereign territory in Zadar, but this does not offer any possibility for further expansion. Italy also exerts influence in Albania, but it has no freedom of action there compared to that in its own country. The Albanians are still showing opposition to Italian penetration by putting obstacles in its way and slowing it down.

    'The Balkans for the Balkan Peoples'

    The traditional policy of Serbia has been 'The Balkans for the Balkan peoples'. This principle was applied earlier in the struggle against the Ottoman Empire and against the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Yugoslavia made efficient use of it in its struggle against the provisions of the London Agreement which allowed Italy to advance into Dalmatia and Albania. This principle, in our view, has always constituted the best guarantee for peace in the Balkans, for co-operation between the Balkan nations and for their unimpeded development. The presence of any of the Great Powers in the Balkans means opening the floodgates to intrigue and invasion.

    Italian Expansion

    Is it conceivable that Italy, having made itself lord of southern and central Albania, will confine itself to that narrow strip of coastline? We did not believe this would be the case twenty years ago when the Great Powers offered Vlora and its hinterland to Italy. It is even harder to believe it now that Italy is showing much more swagger and bravado in its foreign policy.

    A Dangerous Precedent

    When a non-Balkan Great Power seizes a part of Balkan territory on which it has no ethnic claims whatsoever, this constitutes a dangerous precedent for us and for all the peoples of the Balkans. Other Great Powers could come up with similar claims from other directions. The case of Italy in Albania is a particular threat to us because the London Agreement first recognized not only Italy's claims to southern Albania, but also to Dalmatia. The revival of the provisions of the London Agreement in one part of the Balkans creates a dangerous precedent for the revival of other provisions, too.

    The Partition of Albania

    In dealing with this issue in a comprehensive manner, it should be stressed that we must avoid an open or covert conflict with Italy at all costs. We must also avoid allowing Italy to occupy all of Albania, which would pose a threat to us in sensitive areas such as the Bay of Kotor and Kosovo.
    Taking the above into consideration, we regard the partition of Albania as a necessary and inevitable evil and as a great disadvantage to us, but one from which we must nonetheless endeavour to derive as much benefit as possible, i. e. we must take advantage of the lesser of two evils.

    Our Compensations

    These compensations are registered in documents which were prepared twenty years ago when the question of a partition of Albania was being discussed.
    The maximum we set and asked for at that time was the border along the Mat and Black Drin rivers to ensure the strategic security of Montenegro and Kosovo. We would also have to ensure the basins of Lakes Ohrid and Prespa by annexing Pogradec as well as the Slav villages of Mali i That / Golo Brdo and those between Prespa and Kora.
    Taking possession of Shkodra could, in this case, be of great moral and economic significance. It would enable us to carry out major waterworks activities and to recuperate fertile land needed to feed Montenegro. The presence of northern Albania within the framework of Yugoslavia would facilitate the existence of new communications links between northern and southern Serbia and the Adriatic.
    After the partition of Albania, Kosovo would lose its attraction as a centre for the Albanian minority which, under the new situation, could be more easily assimilated. We would eventually gain 200,000 to 300,000 Albanians, but these are mostly Catholics whose relations with the Moslem Albanians have never been good. The deportation of Moslem Albanians to Turkey could then be carried out since, under the new circumstances, there would be no major impediment to such a move.

    [Taken from Elaborat dra Ive Andrica o Albaniji iz 1939. godine. ed. Bogdan Krizman. in: Casopis za suvremenu povijest, Zagreb, 9 (1977), 2, p. 77-89. Retranslated from the Serbo-Croatian by Robert Elsie, on the basis of an existing English version. First published in R. Elsie, Gathering Clouds: the Roots of Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo and Macedonia, Dukagjini Balkan Books (Peja 2002), p. 131-148.]

    Marre prej http://www.albanianhistory.net/texts/AH26.html
    Gjithashtu nje dokument shume interesant dhe i perdorshem eshte planveprimi per spastrimin etnik te shqiptareve i hartuar nga Vaso Cubrilovic ne fund te viteve 30'.
    Ndryshuar pr her t fundit nga D@mian : 26-08-2006 m 18:23
    FLUCTUAT NEC MERGITUR

  8. Anetart m posht kan falenderuar D@mian pr postimin:

    bsdev (03-03-2017)

  9. #6
    Perjashtuar Maska e kurkushi
    Antarsuar
    24-06-2005
    Vendndodhja
    Shqiperi.Mund te udhetoj pa vize hyrese ne tere boten "interesante"
    Postime
    446
    Citim Postuar m par nga Brari
    Prandaj ne qe i dime keto gjera me kohe nuk u bem entuziaste kur filloi "shitpord.hja e madhe" me ato te ashtuquajturat komunikatat uck-iste te gorillave te LPK-se sigurimso enveriste.. sepse e nuhatem se pas kesaj do te vinte ai genocidi i tmerrshem qe ne shqipot smund ta ndalnim.. e qe me syte tane e pame se si Kosova mbaroj.. totalisht.. se si endrra e pune e sakrifica shum vjecare te mijra atdhetareve u ben shkrumb e hi sa hap e mbyll syte..
    dhe kosova jone..u be cader.. ne laprake.. barrake ne stankovac.. e refugjat te lemerisur neper otranto..
    por o Zot i Madh qe je ne Qiell e qe i paske pas do Njerz ne Toke sikurse Klark Wollker Bler Klintonat.. nje thannkju te madhe.. te paharrushme.. qe
    .. na e shpetove Kosoven..

    qashtu..

    pergezime forums per shkrimin..qe ke sjelle..
    Eh,
    keto planet e Andriqave dhe viqave tjere shqipfoles ne LPK-ja i kemi dijtur pa u shkruar fare nga keta Viqa dhe bashkeviqa.
    Per kete ne Enveristat u vuam te paret ne balle te demaskimit dhe luftimit te ketyre Andriqave te Jugosllavise dhe atyre te shqiperise dhe Kosoves. Pa LPK_UK-ENVERISTAT- asgje nuk do te ecte as qe do te ece perpara asnjehere per shqiptaret dhe kete ne tera trojet shqiptare e jo vetem ne Kosoven e pergjysmuar te sotme...
    B*the lepires Viqashqipfoles ka mjaft,ka shume por keta asnjehere s`do arrijne te vendosin per fatin e Kombit shqiptar para Krijuesit te Shtetit shqiptar, mbrojtesit te shqiptarise ne tere hapesiren etnike shqiptare dhe ne diaspore qe jane Enveri-zmi-LPK-ja UK-ja,LKk-ja,AKSH-ja dhe VETVENDOSJA!
    Meqe tema ishte per Andriqin dhe Andriqat ju keni patur te drejte t`i bashkangjiteni Viqave te juaj por jo te perpiqeni te njollosni A-ne e Kombit!
    Ndryshuar pr her t fundit nga D@mian : 27-08-2006 m 05:02

  10. Anetart m posht kan falenderuar kurkushi pr postimin:

    bsdev (03-03-2017)

  11. #7
    Perjashtuar Maska e Edvin83
    Antarsuar
    20-03-2006
    Vendndodhja
    Tallinn
    Postime
    4,671
    Paska ende psikopate te tille qe besojne qe Enveri u beri mire shqiptareve ne Kosove (! ?). Lexo pak per masakren e Tivarit, me urdher te kujt u be dhe si u ekzekutua nga enveristet.
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tivar_massacre

  12. #8
    Perjashtuar Maska e Edvin83
    Antarsuar
    20-03-2006
    Vendndodhja
    Tallinn
    Postime
    4,671
    Lexoni pak projektin e madh te Cubrilovicit....
    http://aacl.com/expulsion2.html

  13. #9
    Perjashtuar Maska e fejer_nagy
    Antarsuar
    18-08-2005
    Vendndodhja
    ktu
    Mosha
    78
    Postime
    231
    Paska ende psikopate te tille qe besojne qe Enveri u beri mire shqiptareve ne Kosove (! ?). Lexo pak per masakren e Tivarit, me urdher te kujt u be dhe si u ekzekutua nga enveristet.
    Enveri ishte tock, mr. Nuk mund t pritet nga nj tock t bj nacionalistin. Aq m pak t mendosh q nj tock do ndihmoj apo do u bj mir kosovarve. E pamundur! Duhet t jesh me t vrtet psikopat t besosh, apo t shpresosh, nj gj t till ....
    ..... klerik politikan apo politikan klerik?

  14. #10
    Perjashtuar Maska e kurkushi
    Antarsuar
    24-06-2005
    Vendndodhja
    Shqiperi.Mund te udhetoj pa vize hyrese ne tere boten "interesante"
    Postime
    446
    Citim Postuar m par nga Edvin83
    Paska ende psikopate te tille qe besojne qe Enveri u beri mire shqiptareve ne Kosove (! ?). Lexo pak per masakren e Tivarit, me urdher te kujt u be dhe si u ekzekutua nga enveristet.
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tivar_massacre
    Psikopate,Idiote,kriminele,trathtare dhe vettrathtare,te marre,te semure dhe analfabete eshte stermbushur tani Shqiptaria...kjo po shihet qarte...por edhe kjo eshte nje rruge zhvillimi per Kombin shqiptar.Pa u bere keq,asnjehere s`behet mire.Keto barera te egra qe na i mbollen te huajt nuk zhduken vete por duhet zhdukur me pune.
    Projektet e Andriqit dhe Qubrilloviqit kane arrijtur te realizohen keto 15 vite Krimikracie mbi shqiptaret dhe me teper se q`e kane paraprogramuar ata.

    Nese do gje eshte dika, mosdija, nuk eshte edhe ajo dika si e mendoni ju!
    Mire qe askujt s`ia ndalon dot mendimet,edhe nese ia ndalon shpehjen e tyre!

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    bsdev (03-03-2017)

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