Me vjen qe po e postoj kete artikull ne anglisht por ja vlen me qene se jane disa statistika qe shqiptaret kane jetuar ne Kosove gjate shekullit XIV e me larte (regjistrimet nga nga kadestralet sllave dhe turke)
Me vjen qe po e postoj kete artikull ne anglisht por ja vlen me qene se jane disa statistika qe shqiptaret kane jetuar ne Kosove gjate shekullit XIV e me larte (regjistrimet nga nga kadestralet sllave dhe turke)
On the Autochthony of Albanians in Kosova and the Postulated Massive Serb Migration at the End of the XVIIth Century
Institute of History
The Albanian Academy of Sciences
A major problem of the modern historiography of the Balkan countries during the last century is the matter of the auctochthony of the Albanians in Kosova. Another related issue which continues to remain at the foci of historiographic research is the presumed “massive migration” of the Serbs from this region at the end of the seventeenth century, as well as other supposedly massive migratory waves that took place in later centuries. In particular, there are poignant problems with Yugoslav historiography, and to a certain extent, with the historiography of other states bordering Albania and Kosova.
Why is there such a keen interest on these issues? During the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, one of the most important centers of the Albanian Renaissance, and the Albanian National Movement, was the Albanian region of Kosova. At that time, Kosova was still a part of the Ottoman Empire. Parallel with the growth of the Albanian National Movement that aimed to achieve the independence of Albania from Turkey, came an intensification of attempts by neighboring states to annex the territories inhabited by Albanians. The pursuit of such chauvinistic and expansionistic policies, which had as an exclusive goal the foundation of the states dominated by a nation and not the creation of nation-states based on citizenship, needed a convincing justification. After the 1840’s, the diplomatic activity of these states, especially Serbia, intensified dramatically. The purpose of their diplomacy was to justify the rationale for the annexation of the Albanian territories and obtain the consent of the Great Powers. In order to do so, the Serb monarchy did not hesitate to use the press, publications, and scientific activity. These publications were expected to provide an acceptable scientific and historical defense that could justify the expansionist policy of the Serb state towards the region of Kosova.
These studies sought to prove that, in the Middle Ages, the region of Kosova had been the center of the Serb state. Furthermore, they argued that Kosova had been an area inhabited by the Serbs until the end of XVIIth century and the beginning of the XVIIIth century. According to Serbian interpretations, immediately following the Austro-Ottoman War of 1683-1699, a portion of the Serb population which had sided with Austria, migrated to the North and its place was taken by the Albanians that came from the mountainous hinterland of Northern Albania. This argument was used by the Serb ruling elite to create the impression, within Serbia itself and internationally, that its predatory policies towards the Albanians and their territories were justified by sound historical reasons. It was unavoidable that this kind of unscientific literature would soon acquire anti-Albanian overtones. In order to bolster this argument, a whole cottage industry that sought to justify the ‘historical rights’ of the Serbs over the ethnic Albanian territories was developed. Later, when these territories were incorporated in the Serb Kingdom, the same arguments were used to provide the framework that justified the oppression, assimilation, and the mass expulsion of the Albanians from their territories.
Some of the most renowned representatives of this contentious literature (and it is primarily the conspicuous lack of scientific objectivity that makes it highly unreliable) were A. Jovicevic, V. Djordevic, T. Stankovic, J. Tomic. One of the more influential attempts to defend this argument has been made by the anthropological-geographical school founded by Jovan Cvijic. Led by Cvijic, these scholars published Naselja i poreklo stanovnistva, a publication that continues to this day under the auspices of the Serb Academy of Sciences and Arts. A large part of the works published by this school has been dedicated to the Stara Srbija (The Old Serbia), a geopolitical concept invented by them and used to justify the annexation of Kosova. Many of these scholars held high administrative positions in the pre-WWII Yugoslav administration which was dominated by the Serbs. The works of these authors are not based upon a rigorous examination of the available historical documents of the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. Not surprisingly, their works are based on oral materials chosen carefully and very selectively. Above all, these oral materials are of a very doubtful origin. Moreover, their studies are characterized by a remarkable unfamiliarity with documentary and historical sources. It must be said that the method of historical research implemented by these authors is dubious and leaves a lot to be desired.
In contrast to the authors mentioned above, well-known and reputable historians such as Milan Suflay and C. Jirecek have pointed out that during the Middle Ages (the period of Serb domination of the region), the Albanian presence in the towns of Kosova was considerable. Their studies did not rely on oral materials or the interpretations of toponomastic material. In short, these studies did not assume that every inhabited place that had a Slavic name was a territory inhabited by Slavs, as other authors such as Selisev had done. However, a major shortcoming with these studies was the limited historical documents known at the time they were writing in 1910’s and 1920’s. Due to the limited availability of historical documents, these authors concluded that the names Albania and Albanon were used to identify the Albanian territories that were found within the quadrangle Tivar-Prizren-Ohėr-Vlorė, and that this must have been the ancient territory inhabited by the Albanians. However, there are two important factors that were not taken into consideration by Suflay and Jirecek. First, Suflay and Jirecek failed to consider the dynamic of identification by this label of various territories. That is, from the eleventh century (when the name Albanon was mentioned for the first time) to the fifteenth century, there were territories outside this quadrangle which were identified sometimes as Albanon and sometimes not. This brings us to the second factor. Suflay and Jirecek fail to note that the absence of a stable and lasting Albanian state contributed to the lack of coincidence between the political and the ethnic boundaries of the Albanian people. This lack between the ethnic and the political boundaries is not a unique case in the history of the Balkan and the European peoples.
The arguments of past Serb ethnologues and historians that deny the auctochthony of the Albanians in Kosova have gained ground and are considered valid by many contemporary historiographers. This is especially true in contemporary Yugoslav (Serb) schools of thought. They continue to be used it for the same goals. This point of view has been defended by Filipovic, Urosevic, Nusic, Popovic, Trifunovski and others. It has also been enshrined in the former official history textbook The History of the Peoples of Yugoslavia. The section of the book that covers this sensitive topic was written by Vasa Cubrilovic, one of the formulators of the genocidal and oppressive policy implemented over the Albanians in Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini.
During the recent decades, especially with the publication of the Ragusan and Ottoman archival documents regarding Kosova during the fourteenth and the fifteenth century, a number of Yugoslav authors such as M. Dinic and A. Handzic, brought new data strongly supporting the thesis of an Albanian presence in Kosova during the fifteenth century. Nevertheless, they continue to follow the old thesis of the Serb historiography. They admitted the Albanian presence in Kosova in the Middle Ages, but only as a minority vis a vis the Serb population. The same line of argument has been followed by the contemporary Bulgarian historiography who admit that the Albanians lived in Kosova during the Middle Ages. However, the Bulgarian historiographers still continue to follow the earlier opinions of Selisev. According to Selisev, a large part of the Eastern and Southeastern Albanian territories, “during the Middle Ages, were inhabited by Bulgarian population.”
These lines of argument have been challenged effectively by the contemporary Albanologists and historiographers. They have challenged the methodological criteria adopted by the Serbian school, and brought ample evidence to show that the examination of the historical documents currently available yields another view. Using scientific and objective historical method, several contemporary Albanian and non-Albanian historiographers have convincingly supported the thesis of the continuity of the Albanian presence in the territories where they currently live. Archeological data, historical records, folklore and linguistics indicate clearly and unequivocally that Illyro-Albanian residency in the region of Kosova has continued unabated since the Early Middle Ages. They also confirm the presence of an overwhelming majority of the Albanian population during the period of the Serb domination of these areas, (from the twelfth to the fifteenth century), and during the first part of the Turkish occupation that lasted from 1450 until 1690. As I have noted, the Serb historiographers state that at this time, in 1690, the Serbs were expelled from Kosova and their place was taken by the Albanians. Let us consider these issues one by one in chronological order.
2. THE ILLYRO-ALBANIAN CONTINUITY
It is a widely known and an uncontested postulate of the modern historiography that the ancient inhabitants of Kosova were the Dardans and that ancient authors considered the Dardans to be Illyrians. The Dardans lived in the Southern region of Illyria. This region was characterized by a relatively high level of cultural, economic, and social development. In the Southern Illyrian region, we find political formations such as the Illyrian state, the state of Epirus, and the Dardan Kingdom. This region, that today is inhabited by Albanians, was developed within a diversified Illyrian etnos. The Dardans, although clearly belonging to the Illyrian ethnie, had their distinctive etno-linguistic and cultural features. Earlier arguments suggesting the Dardans were not a part of the Illyrian etnos but were either a distinct Balkanic ethnie or linked to the Eastern region of the Balkan peninsula, have not been supported by archeological, historical, and linguistical data. Archeological excavations, the typological analysis of their material culture, distinct elements of their spiritual culture and onomastic examinations indicate convincingly that, in ancient times and the Early Middle Ages, Dardania was a part of Illyricum.
After the fall of the Western Roman Empire at the beginning of the last quarter of the fifth century, the region of Kosova was included in the province of Dardania. This province, like the other Southern Illyrian provinces, became a part of the Eastern Roman or Byzantine Empire. The relatively few sites of archeological excavations in Kosova dating from this period have shown that Dardania was similar to other states of the Southern Illyrian region. This is seen in the manufactured goods, ceramics, in the construction of buildings and in numerous other aspects. The existence of the same distinct material culture during the late antiquity in the provinces of Southern Illyria (regions now inhabited by Albanians) is further proof that the ‘Romanization’ did not go to the point where we could say that the Southern Illyrians had been assimilated by Romans or that their culture and language were extinct. On the other hand, this does not mean that they were not influenced by the Roman culture; through the intensive contacts with the Roman culture, new elements were introduced in Illyricum, and this is clearly evidenced by the archeological excavations in Kosova. However, underneath this crust of Romanization, it appears that at the lower strata of the provincial Illyrian population a distinct material and spiritual culture was preserved intact. This culture preserved ancient and distinct features inherited for millennia. Later, during the new social and economic conditions created by contact with Byzantium, and especially under the influence of the Byzantine culture, these distinct characteristics of the Albanian culture continued to be developed in their specific mode.
The Dardania, like the large part of Southern Illyricum, remained either unaffected or slightly affected from the massive migratory waves of the sixth and seventh century AD, including the migratory waves of the Slavs. The direction and the itinerary of the migratory waves and migrations directed towards the Southern Illiricum usually began at the shores of the river Danube, at the ford near Singidum (the ancient Roman name of the city of Belgrade). Then, their itinerary followed the valleys of the rivers Vardar and Morava to end at the city of Thesalonic. A flourished trading center, Thesalonic was a central attraction of the ‘barbarian’ hordes.
For the Albanian people, the Early Middle Age is one of the most important periods in their history. By all available indications, this is the period when the Albanian nation, its culture and language were formed. As with other Balkan nations this period is one of the least documented in history. The written Byzantine documents dating from this period that are currently available are very few. Precisely because of the lack of the written materials other sources of information become particularly important. Among these sources that are reliable are the archeological and the linguistic sources. Based on the archeological findings that shed light on that particular period in time, we can argue that the culture of the Arbėr (the medieval name of the Albanians), was a link in the chain of the uninterrupted Illyro-Albanian continuity. This is a strong argument in favor of the auctochthony of the Albanians as the ancient indigenous inhabitants of these territories. The archeological discoveries made in the village of Koman have helped us get a better idea of the culture of Arbėr. As we have learned from the archeological excavations of sites contemporaneous to Koman, the culture of Arbėr was extended in the area from the Lake of Shkodra to the city of Ohrid, including here the region of Kosova. The names we have inherited from the ancient and medieval toponymy, are explainable only through the Albanian language. This is further proof of the auctochthony of the Albanians in the regions of Kosova, Montenegro and Macedonia. Some of the ancient names of these areas are preserved as appellatives in the Albanian language. For example, the name Dardania itself (the territory of contemporary Kosova was part of the ancient Kingdom known by that name) is explained with the Albanian Dardhė. Similarly, the name of Ulqin, from the ancient name Ulcinium is linked by the scientists to the word ulk, ujk, of the Albanian language. Other ancient toponyms that belong to the Albanian territories in the former Yugoslavia have evolved in accordance to the historical phonetic rules of the Albanian language. Such cases are Naissus-Nish, Scupi-Shkup, Astibos-Shtip, Scardus-Shar, Ulpiana-Lipjan and many more. The explanation of why these ancient names have arrived to us in the form they did, is that these territories have been inhabited by Albanians continuously and not intermittingly. The presence of an Albanian speaking population has been preserved mostly in the names of the towns. This evidence demonstrates that the Albanian population could not have been made up of shepherds sheltered in the highlands or the mountains. Quite on the contrary, that population was urbanized and apparently with an advanced standard of living for its time.
Among other factors, the ancient toponomastic data, such as the contemporary names of places used by Slavs, which are explainable only through the phonetic rules of the ancient Albanian language, has convinced scientists that these territories were inhabited by Albanians. Distinguished linguists such as Norbert Jokl, Gustav Weygand, and Petrovici, and even some Yugoslav scholars like Henrik Baric and others, have argued that it was precisely the Dardania, defined as an enclave by the use of the ancient names such as Nish, Shkup, Shtip that was one of the centers of the formation of the Albanian people.
Although sometimes he tends to overestimate the role played by the Roman-Romanian population in the Balkans, Petrovici has affirmed that “the population found by the Slavs in the Eastern region of contemporary Serbia was not Romanized.” One of the arguments brought by Petrovici to support his theory are the contemporary names of the cities mentioned above. Linguists like Van Wejk have concluded that according to the toponymical arguments, the separation of the Serbs and Bulgarians from a non-Slavic population in the early Middle Ages, could be explained only with the presence of the Albanian population in these areas. According to him, the presence of a population which had Romanic origins belonged to a later phase of the Slav expansion. Some of these scholars, particularly Henrik Baric, have convincingly demonstrated this through the study of the ancient and medieval onomastic of the Dardania. Examining these ancient toponyms, Baric argues that,
“the phonetic characteristics show that they are ancient names that Southern Slavs have taken through the Albanian language. The reason for making this argument is that in these toponyms we find that the phonetic changes were performed before the arrival of the Southern Slavs in the historic territories of the Albanians.”
As we can see, Dardania was a center of formation for the Albanian ethnie and the Albanian language; an enclave where the Albanian language evolved without suffering the influence of the Slav languages surrounding it. Many scientists explain the intensive contacts between the Albanian and Romanian languages precisely through the ancient and the uninterrupted presence of Albanians in these areas. Under these conditions, the expansion of the Serb State in Kosova, during the twelve century onward was by no means a ‘liberation’ of the Serb lands but an annexation and occupation of Albanian territories.
Moving from antiquity to Middle Ages, it must be noted that studies on the medieval onomastics have convincingly proved the presence of the Albanian ethnie in Kosova, Montenegro and in Macedonia. A large number of place names and names of individuals, used in this enclave during the Middle Ages, has been accumulated mostly by the examination of numerous documents and various historical sources, such as church registers and documents, cadastral registers, chrisobulas, and other historical sources. It must be noted that an overwhelming majority of them are of Albanian origin.
A careful examination of the medieval onomastics of Kosova, Montenegro and Macedonia during the fourteenth and the fifteenth century not surprisingly yields a very extended list of Albanian toponyms. These toponyms can only be explained by the presence of an ethnic Albanian population in these areas. The list of these toponyms, even in the areas that nowadays are inhabited by Slavs, is being continuously expanded by scholars. Among the toponyms added recently are Pantalesh, Barzan (Bardhan) Bytidosi, Bankeqi, Lopari, Bardiēi, Kuēi (Kuc-Montenegro) Bukmir, Bushat (Pipėr-Montenegro) Burmaz (Burmadh) in Stolac of Hercegovina, Zhur (Montenegro and Prizren). Also, there is a considerable number of Albanian anthroponyms which are used as microtoponyms or toponyms. For example, in the area of Prizren, there are Rudina e Leshit, the ground of Gjon Bardhi (a place to keep horses), Llazi i Tanushit, the Site of Komani, the House of Bushati, names of fraternities such as Gjinovci, Flokovci, Gjonovci, Shpinadinci, and many more.
The Albanian toponyms of the fifteenth and sixteenth century are also found in the area of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini. Among these names mentioned for the first time in the fourteenth century is Ujmirė, the name of a village on the east of Peja. Such toponyms in the nahija of Vuēitern are Shalc, Kuciq, Guri i Kuq. In the nahija of Llapi we find the village Arbanas; according to the cadastral registration of 1487 in the nahija of Morava we find the village Marash; in the nahija of Ostrolic we find the village Arbanashka Petrila; in the nahija of Treboshnica we find Arbanashka Brenica, Arbanas, Gjinofc Kulla; in the nahija of Morava we find Gjinofc e Marash. According to the cadastral registration of 1566-1574 in the nahija of Karatonlu we find the village Tanushofc. Similarly, in the region of Has we find the villages of Bunjaj, Guri and even the name of the whole district Shullan.
On the other hand, Albanian speeches in Yugoslavia are not linguistic islands, as would be expected if Albanians came late to the area of Kosova. The Albanian speeches there are a continuation of the Albanian dialects within the territory of Albania. The high degree of the unity of the dialects of the Albanian language could be evaluated as evidence that the inhabitants of these areas are living in their territories, and that they are auctochthonous and not a people who came only recently.
3. KOSOVA AND THE PLAIN OF DUKAGJINI UNDER SERBIAN RULE FROM THE XIIth TO THE XVth CENTURY
The Slav occupation of the Northern and Northeastern Albanian ethnic territories began in the eleventh century, a period when the Albanian people, its language and culture had already taken distinct forms. The little archeological evidence that could indicate the presence of Slavic culture in the Albanian territories at earlier times is very isolated and limited to a short period of time. The evidence shows that these Slavic elements did not constitute a distinctive culture that coexisted side by side with the Arbėresh (Albanian) culture of the early Middle Ages. The archeological findings that show the existence of a Slav culture date to a later time. These objects come from the ninth to the twelfth century and are related to the occupation of these areas initially by the Bulgarians and later by the Serbs.
Even the influence of the Slavic languages on the Albanian language begins at a time when the fundamental grammatical structures of the Albanian language were crystallized. At that time, the phonetic changes which gave an indelible Albanian mark to the words borrowed from Latin were completed. Linguist research has shown that words borrowed from the Slavic languages have been subjected to the unitary influence of a language already formed. This is strong evidence to support the argument of the ethno-cultural unity of an ancient auctochthonous population. The Slav-Albanian linguistic interaction did not begin during the first centuries of the Slav migratory waves but in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Therefore, the Slav-Albanian linguistic interaction began under circumstances dictated by the occupation of the Albanian territories from the Serb state.
Between the eleventh and the fourteenth century, with small periods of interruption, the Northern and Northeastern Albanian territories were subjected to the rule of the Serb feudals of the states of Dioklea (Zeta) and Raschka. During the time of Serb domination, this part of Albanian population shared with the Slavs the same form of political rule. In the eleventh century, the state of Dioklea began to expand by annexing the Western districts of Northern Albania. After a short period of Byzantine occupation, these territories became a part of the state of Raschka ruled by Stefan Nemanja (1165-1195). Nemanja occupied Kosova and expanded the Serb state to the line Lezhė-Prizren-Prishtinė. The Serbian kingdom continued to expand during the thirteenth century. During the rule of Stefan Dushan (1333-1355) altogether with a large part of the Balkan peninsula, the Serb dominions include also a large part of the territories inhabited by Albanians down the line Lezhė-Prizren-Prishtinė. It is at this period that the Serb autonomous Patriarchat (a religious institution autonomous from the Papacy and from the Patriarchat of Constantinople) with its main center in Peja is founded. After the dissolution of the Serb state in the second half of the fourteenth century, we witness the rising of the powerful Albanian feudal principalities such as Balshajt, Spanėt, Dushmanėt, Dukagjinėt, which included most of the Northern Albania. Meanwhile a large part of Kosova remained under the domination of the Brankovic family until it was finally occupied by the Ottomans in the year 1455.
The period between the twelfth to the fourteenth century, was a period when the Albanian nation was already formed and consolidated. However, the territories of Kosova, the Plain of Dukagjini, and of what is called today Western Macedonia, the previous dwelling places of Dardans, Paion, Lynkest, and Penest, were not included under the denomination of Arbėri-Albania, or Albanum. Initially these areas retained the historical and traditional denominations of Macedonia and Epir, that had nothing to do with the ethnic composition of their population. Later, they were named after the states that occupied them. This phenomenon does not necessitate the non-existence or the absence of the Albanians in those areas; it is explainable with the fact that these territories were never part of a unified Albanian state. These territories were under an uninterrupted series of foreign conquests and domination by the Byzantine, the Serb, or the Bulgarian Empires. This is the main reason why in the historical sources they appear not with their ethnic denomination but with the names designed to express the dominant political-religious aspects of the ruling elite, and not the names of the linguistic and ethno-cultural community living there at the time. The uninterrupted foreign occupations and the religious differences were an obstacle which did not allow the Albanians to be represented by a common name which would identify all the territories that were inhabited by them.
The occupations and the domination of these territories by foreigners had grave consequences. They caused the geographical space occupied by the Albanians to be contracted and delimited continuously. The long and intense pressure exercised by the Slav Church and the Slav State, accompanied by the colonization of Albanian territories, especially in Kosova, has been the main cause of the contraction of the Albanian linguistic space. This argument has been advanced by a number of scholars. For example, the renowned historian Suflay, documents the presence of the compact Albanian enclaves in the vicinity of Ragusa and Kotor in the thirteenth century. He defined these enclaves as auctochthonous Illyrian remnants separated from the Albanian nucleus. He also noted that the Albanians were spread in the territories of Zeta and Montenegro, as witnessed by the Albanian names of the fraternities of Matagushėve, Mahinėve, Malonshiqėve (Malonsi), Matarugėve and of Golemadhėve. Milan Suflay argued convincingly that the settlement of the Slavs had fallen over the Albanian people as an ax that had cut in the North and South some of the branches and had constrained it to a narrower space.
What do the historical sources tell us about the continuity of the Albanian presence in Kosova during the period of Serb rule between the twelfth and the fifteenth century? Are the Albanians mentioned as the inhabitants of these areas? The historical sources testify to a continuous presence of the Albanian population in Kosova during this period of Serb rule. First of all, this is witnessed by the numerous medieval Serb documents. Among these documents, of primary importance is The Code of the Laws of Stefan Dushan which mentions Albanians - arbanas - as inhabitants in these areas. Then we do have the chrisobulas (the equivalent of a charter) of the Serb rulers given to different Churches and monasteries. In his chrisobula of the year 1330, Stefan Decanski explicitly mentions the Albanians in Kosova and their villages by their Albanian names. For example, in the chrisobula of Stefan Decanski, a village that today is named Dobrovoda, there is mentioned with the Albanian name of Ujmir (Goodwater).
These documents tell us that the Albanians were also living in the districts of Prizren and Shkup. The chrisobula of Tzar Stefan Dushan given to the Monastery of the Saints Mihail and Gavril in Prizren between the years 1348 and 1353 clearly speaks about the presence of Albanians in the Plain of Dukagjini, in the vicinity of Prizren and in the villages of Drenica. In this chrisobula are explicitly mentioned nine Albanian stock-breeding villages located in the vicinity of Prizren. These villages are known with the names of Gjinovci, (Gjinajt), Magjerci, Bjellogllavci (Kryebardhėt), Flokovci (Flokajt), Crnēa, Ēaparci (Ēaparajt), Gjonovci ( Gjonajt), Shpinadinci (Shpinajt), Novaci.
The Albanians are also mentioned as frequentators in the Fair of Saint George held in the vicinity of Shkup. They are mentioned as farmers and soldiers in the district of Tetova, and as farmers in the villages of the great feud of Decan. Entire Albanian villages were given by Serb Kings, and especially by Stefan Dushan, as a present to the Serb Monasteries of Prizren, Decan and Tetova. The unequivocal Albanian anthroponymy of a part of the inhabitants of the villages mentioned in the Serb state and church documents between the thirteen to the fifteen century, is clear evidence for their presence there.
For example, what does the chrisobula (the charter) of the feud of Decan, issued in the year 1330, tell us about the Albanians in that feud? According to that chrisobula, we find inhabitants that have Albanian names in most places. In the Plain of Dukagjini, inhabitants that have Albanian names were in the villages of Isniq, Gramoēel, Xerxė, Ēabiq, Sushiēan, in the village Arbanas, in the city of Prizren, in Suharekė and Llapushė. In the feud of Decan in Kosova, Albanian names are found in Gracanica and Vinarc. The Albanians anthroponymy was made up of the Albanian traditional and distinctive names as Gjon, Gjin, Lul, Llesh, Bardh, Progon, Prenk, Lalė, Dedė, Lum, and Muzak. In the Serb Church documents, these Albanian names appear as Gon, Ginac, Gonko, Gonshin, Gin, Lul, Lesh, Bardi, Progon, Prenko, Bardonja, Laloje, Lalzim, Dedoje, Dedac, Lumas, and Muzak.
The Ragusan archives and documents witness the presence of a considerable number of Albanians in the city of Novobėrda. At that time, Novobėrda was not separated from the compact territories inhabited by the Albanians. Novobėrda continued to be a part of the Albanian compact territory well into the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century. In the Ragusan documents, citizens with Albanian names such as Gjergjash and Gjinko (1399) or Albanian Catholic priests are mentioned. Such Albanian priests mentioned in the Ragusan documents are Gjini, the son of Gjergj, the presbyter (1382); the reverend Gjergj Gega, Nikollė Tanushi, Gjergj Andrea Pellini, and Nikolla Progonovic in the fifteenth century. There is ample evidence to prove that in Novobėrda there was a considerable Albanian Catholic population.
In this context, an important source is the book of debtors held by the Ragusan merchant Mihail Lukarevic. During the third decade of the fifteenth century, Lukarevic resided in Novobėrda. Approximately 150 Albanian heads of households that were living in Novobėrda with their families are mentioned in his book of debtors. They worked as artisans, specialists and miners in the mines of the town. The anthropomyny of the heads of households was distinctively and uniquely Albanian; they had distinctive Albanian names such as Gjon, Progon, Gjin, Lek, Tanush, Gjergj, Bibė. Some of them had a mixed Slav-Albanian anthroponymy. Said differently, they have a Slav name but their last name is Albanian or they held Albanian patronyms which were adopted to the Slav norm such as Gjonoviē, Gjinoviq, Progonoviq, Bushatoviq, Dodishiq, Kondiq, Lekiq and similar names to these. Among the Catholic clergy many Albanians priests as residing in Novobėrda, as well as in towns such as in Janjeva, Trepēė, Prizren and others are mentioned.
Furthermore, the presence of the Albanians in Kosova has been proven by their extensive participation in the great Battle of 1389 against the Ottoman armies. According to the historical sources, the battle was not only a battle between Ottoman invaders and the Serb state, but a battle among the Ottomans and the coalition of the armies of Balkanian feudals headed by the Serb king Lazar. Lazar was chosen to lead the coalition primarily due to the fact that his dominium in Kosova was being threatened directly by the Ottoman hordes. The Ottoman chroniclers tell us that the most important rulers that made up this coalition were the Serb King Lazar, the Bosnian King Tvartko, and the Albanian prince Gjergji II Balsha. Gjergji II Balsha, defined in the documents of that time as The Ruler of the Albanians, played a first hand role in this coalition. This can be indirectly proven by the fact that after Gjergji II Balsha had rejected the Ottoman vassality in the year 1387, he had allied with King Tvarko, the Bosnian ruler. They fought together the Ottoman army in Trebinjė, which is located in the valley of the river Toplica and he continued to resist to the Ottomans quite successfully. It is beyond any doubt that Gjergji II Balsha played a decisive role in the battle against the Ottoman armies in 1389. Besides Gjergj II Balsha, in the battle participated other Albanian feudals. Among the powerful Albanian feudals, the most important figure was Theodori II Muzaka, who died in the battle with 4000 of his soldiers. Historical sources tell us that the Albanians participated in the battle in ways other than serving in the armies of the Albanian feudals. When they speak about the recruitment of soldiers from the Serb King Lazar in his dominion, historical sources affirm that Lazar had gathered soldiers from the Serbs, Raschians, and Albanians... Since the feud of Lazar was in Kosova, it is quite clear that these Albanians were from Kosova.
In favor of the Albanian presence in Kosova speaks the existence and the continuity of the songs that echo the events of the Battle of 1389 (the killing of the Sultan Murad I from Milosh Kopiliq and other facts) among the Albanians in Kosova. One of the fundamental characteristics of the historical songs is that, as a norm, these songs are not inspired by events that are remote in time and space. Quite on the contrary, the historical songs are born as an immediate artistical reflection of the events and the historical facts experienced by the people. The creation of these songs and their preservation until our time, cannot be explained without assuming the presence of the Albanian population in the fourteenth century and without recognizing its continuing and uninterrupted presence in these areas. Their continuous presence in these areas is something which would have made possible their transmission from one generation to another. Also, the preservation of other legendary and epic songs among the Albanians in Kosova, like that of Gjergj Elez Alia, that were created in the early medieval period in which is spoken about the resistance to the foreign invasion and pressure from the Albanian populations in Kosova speaks in favor of this thesis.
4. THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL REGISTERS
The medieval documents written by the Chancellery of the Serb state and from the Orthodox religious institutions, such as the Patriarchat of Pejė, make extensive reference to the regions of Kosova and Plain of Dukagjini. However, from a geographical and demographical perspective, the data contained in these documents represent a very narrow and limited view of the situation in those areas. These documents reflect the official reasons that necessitated and made possible their writing as well as the distinct class position of their compilers. Furthermore, these documents do not deal with all the villages of the Plain of Dukagjini and Kosova but only with those villages that were owned by certain institutions. What makes these documents highly unreliable is the fact that in the villages mentioned in those documents only the Albanians of the Catholic creed are defined as arbanas. There is no distinction made between the Albanian Orthodox population and the minority of the Orthodox Slavs. Since the Albanian Orthodox population belonged to the same religious and political community as the Serbs, they are usually considered from the medieval writers, chancellors and scribes to be Serbs in the North and Greeks in the South. The same process happened with the Albanian Muslims; when they converted to Islam, they were considered to be Turks.
After 1455, the time when the Ottomans conquered Kosova, many documents concerning the composition of population in were drafted by the Ottomans and these documents are more detailed than the Serb documents. These documents do not confuse the religious with the ethnic identification as the Serb medieval documents did. Precisely for this reason, the Ottoman documents throw a better light on the demographic situation of Kosova in the fifteenth century. These documents tell us that these territories were predominantly inhabited by the Albanians. The Serbs, who had come as colonists and the members of the ruling class during the period of Serb domination, although politically dominant, were a negligible minority. Although the Ottoman documents are numerous, the situation is better described by the registers of the cadastral office and the census data of the Ottoman Empire. During the fifteenth and the sixteenth century, the census was conducted periodically by the new Ottoman state. These registers, among many other things, give the toponymy of the dwellings and the anthroponymy of a considerable part of the population (heads of households, bachelors, celibates, widows, and so on). The evidence contained in these documentary and archival sources contributes to expose the fallacy of one of the myths and taboos of the Serb historiography which holds that the population of Kosova had an ancient and uninterrupted Serb character and that the Albanians entered Kosova under the Ottoman aegis and then the Albanians proceeded to eliminate the Serb majority especially after the presumed massive migrations and expulsions of Serbs which happened after the uprisings of the years 1690 and 1738. The falsity of this thesis was exposed by the cadastral register of Kosova of the year 1455 (the year when the Ottomans occupied Kosova), which was published in 1972 by the Oriental Institute of Sarajevo. The cadastral registers clearly show that even before the large scale process of massive Islamization had begun, the Albanians constituted the overwhelming majority in the Eastern parts of Kosova. Similarly, the Albanians were in massive numbers, according to a register of the Sanxhak of Kystendil, in Kratova of Eastern Macedonia. An examination of the cadastral registers would prove that the thesis of the Serb migration and their expulsion from Kosova has no longer any credibility and validity whatsoever.
With the cadastral registration of 1455, the Ottomans created a new unified administrative unit in Kosova that they called sanxhak. In this sanxhak were included all the lands which had been the dominion of Brankovic family, except the Plain of Dukagjini. In this register are mentioned a considerable number of heads of families with distinctive and typical Albanian names such as Gjon, Gjin, Llesh as well as with Slav names but that are explicitly qualified as Albanian-Arbanas. Such names are mentioned in the commercial centers, in the towns, as well as in over 100 villages distributed in all the nahija of the sanxhak. They are found in Morava, Prishtinė, Lab, Topolnicė, Vuēitern, Dolc, Klopotnik, Tėrgovishta, and even at the villages that neighbored villages inhabited by the Slav population. These inhabitants, especially those with Albanian anthroponymy, were Catholics. However, the Albanians in the region of Kosova, by and large were of the Orthodox religion and linked with the religious administration of the Patriarchat of Pejė. Their names were mixed Albanian-Slav names or names that were coming from the orthodox religious Slav or Byzantine anthroponymy. The reason why Albanians embraced the Orthodoxy during the period between the twelfth and the fifteenth century, when Kosova was under Serb domination, shows that they had been forced to be exposed to a religious-ideological assimilation campaign. Since this assimilation campaign was combined with an intensive colonization of the territories by the Serbs, then one could say that a prolongation of these conditions could have led to a complete ethnic assimilation of the Orthodox Albanians.
The publication of the Ottoman cadastral registers has been instrumental in the creation of a thorough set of data for all the population of the Plain of Dukagjini and for the population of the towns of Kosova during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. This set of data has allowed us to formulate a different argument and to present a broader and a better picture of the demographic composition of Kosova during the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries. The historical evidence which we use to support this argument is, by far, more thorough and more accurate than what we have been used to getting from the historiographical works that have coped with this issue before the publication of the cadastral registers. This new complete set of data allows us to formulate an argument which definitely exposes the fallacy of the unscientific and chauvinistic viewpoint defended by the Serb historiographers.
The most important conclusion one can draw from the Ottoman cadastral registers of the fifteenth and sixteenth century for the Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini, is that the overwhelming majority of the heads of households and the majority of bachelors registered as living in these areas had Albanian names. This was especially true for the Plain of Dukagjini, and its main nahijas, nahija of Altun-ili, nahija of Rudinė, nahija of Domeshtiē, nahija of Pashtrik, nahija of Opoja, nahija of Hoēa and nahija of Prizren. During the sixteenth century when the process of Islamization was intensified, part of the heads of households were forced to become Muslims. Afterwards, they held Islamic names.
During the Serb rule, the Albanian population of these areas was politically and socially dominated by Serbs. Yet, there is not the slightest doubt that Albanian people managed to preserve its customs, its language and its customary law largely intact. That the Albanian anthroponymy, which later was partially substituted by an Islamic anthroponymy, could only be a unique and a distinctive characteristic of the Albanian population is certain. There are no reasons to suggest that the Slav population, which was politically and socially dominant, would adopt and carry Albanian names.
Even in the cases when an Albanian name is accompanied by a last name which is of the Slav anthroponymy, there is little doubt that the individual is an Albanian. We must keep in mind the fact that under the enormous political pressure exercised by the administration of the Serb state and the religious pressure exercised by the Serb Church, the auctochthonous Albanians of these areas were forced to take Slav surnames and Slav last name. It is very significant that once they were liberated from this pressure, they returned to the Albanian names of their forefathers. This shows that the Albanians were quite aware of their distinct ethnic identity.
Let us consider the situation as it appears in the cadastral registers. From the cadastral materials published up to now, we find out that the nahija of Altun-ili (an area included in the triangle Gjakovė-Junik-Tropojė) was inhabited almost entirely by the Albanians. Thus, according to the registration of year 1485, the inhabitants of the villages of the plain of Gjakova-Junik, such as Plakani, Mel, Dujak, Gorna Ēirna Gonja, Dolina Ēirna Gonja, Peronja, Rodosh, Dolina Buqani, Bozhani, Vuēidol, Brekoc, Trenova, Vogova, Kaliq, Popoci, Bonoshuci, Stubla, Rogam, had typical and distinct Albanian names such as Gjin, Gjon, Leka, Kola, Gega, Progon, Llesh, Gjec, Tanush, Bushat, Mazarak, Pal, Duka, and other names similar to these.
In the registration of the year 1485, in the nahija of Peja we find 15 villages-such as Oē, Ēirna Potok, Dujak, Usak, Dobriēadol, Kolivaēa, Lepovaē, Trenova, Nika, Vraniq, Romaniēa and others-whose inhabitants, with rare exceptions, have Albanian names. Although in smaller %ages, in 86 other villages out of 194 of the nahija of Pejė, we find that the majority of inhabitants had Albanian names. Similarly, out of 28 villages in the nahija of Suhagėrlė, fourteen villages had a majority of inhabitants who carried Albanian names. Out of the fifteen villages that had the nahija of Plava, twelve villages had a majority of inhabitants who carried Albanian names.
According to the registrations of the years 1571 and 1591, the Northeastern region of the Sanxhak of Dukagjini, or to use the name given to it in the sixteenth century, the region of Hasi, were territories inhabited entirely by the Albanians. The region of Hasi was divided in the nahija of Rudina (Gjakova with its villages in its south), nahija of Domeshtiēi (villages that were located in the area between Gjakova and Prizren), and the nahija of Pashtrik (villages in the eastern and western sides of the mountain of Pashtrik). This is proven by the fact that, similarly to the inhabitants of the mountainous regions of the hinterland of the Northern Albania, the inhabitants of these areas had overwhelmingly distinct and typical Albanian names, such as Gjin, Gjon, Gac, Bac, Kol, Gjec, Doda, Prend, Biba, Nue, Dida, Shtepan, Vata, and other similar names. The influence of Slav anthroponymy in these areas was extremely weak. The differences between inhabitants with Albanian anthroponymy and those with Slav anthroponymy in these three nahija taken together are striking. Out of 2507 heads of households and bachelors that were Christians, 1768 had Albanian names, 643 had mixed Albanian-Slav names and 96 had only Slav names. On the other hand, out of the 492 Muslim heads of family, 205 had Albanian last names and only 37 had Slav last names. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the relationes that we have from Catholic clergymen confirm that there was an overwhelming Albanian majority in the region. The region of Hasi, writes in his report of the 1634 the Catholic Archbishop of Antivar, Pjetėr Mazreku, is inhabited by the Albanians. Out of the fifty villages, there were only five Catholic villages while all other 45 villages were converted to Islam.
The nahija of Opoja (south of the city of Prizren) was inhabited entirely by Albanians. The Albanian population had converted to Islam and consequently, the anthroponymy of the inhabitants was Islamic. However, these registrations bring evidence which proves that the Islamicized inhabitants were Albanians. During the second half of the sixteenth century, these inhabitants continued to carry as their last names, the Christian names of their parents. These last names, by and large, were distinct Albanian names. The influence of the Slav anthroponymy is found only in very rare cases. According to the registration of the year 1591, in the nahija of Opoja there were 369 Muslim heads of households and bachelors and 78 Christian heads of households and bachelors, the overwhelming majority of whom had distinctive Albanian names.
The nahija of Hoēa (north of the city of Prizren) was inhabited by the Albanian population divided in three different religions; Roman Catholic, Orthodox and Islam. According to the data from the registry of the year 1591, in this nahije were 409 heads of households and bachelors as well as 104 owners of land parcels who had typical and distinct Albanian names. In addition, there were 248 Muslim households and 172 owners of land parcels that were Muslims. However, among these, 81 heads of households carried as their last name, the Albanian names of their parents and 28 had as their last names, the Slav names of their parents. Besides the Catholics and that stratum of population which had just converted to Islam, a considerable part of the population in this area was Orthodox. As a consequence, its anthroponymy was drawn from the traditional religious Slav and Byzantine anthroponymy. It must be noted that in numerous cases, the Orthodox Christians carried, in a mixed manner, a distinctive Catholic Albanian anthroponymy. In the villages of the nahija of Hoēa, there were approximately 883 heads of households and bachelors who carried Albanian Catholic and Orthodox mixed names. That the majority of the heads of households registered in the nahija of Hoēa carried Albanian names and not Slav anthroponymy, should not induce us to think that only these people were Albanians. The reason is that since they were of the Orthodox rite, a large part of the Albanian population of these districts was using Slav and Byzantine anthroponymy. This phenomenon is seen clearly in the nahija of Peja and in the villages of the nahija of Prishtina, the nahija of Vuēitern, the nahija of Labi, and the nahija of Topolnica. During the fifteenth and the sixteenth century, in these districts, the heads of households, carried more Slav and Byzantine names than Albanian and Muslim ones. To a certain extent, this phenomenon is detectable even in the nahija of Prizren, although in this nahija the heads of households that had an Orthodox - that is, a Slav and Byzantine anthroponymy - were a minority compared to those heads of households who carried Albanian and Muslim names. The borrowing of Orthodox Slav names from the Albanians was a common phenomenon. This phenomenon was widespread during the period before the Ottoman occupation of Kosova, more intensively in Kosova and less in the Plain of Dukagjini and the bordering districts of the sanxhak of Shkodra. The evidence we have gotten from the cadastral registers allows us to explain why it did happen this way.
The cadastral registers show us that the Albanian population of the Orthodox faith was linked to the administration of the Patriarchat of Pejė. Thus, while they were the property of, and under the jurisdiction of, the religious administration of the Patriarchat of Pejė, the anthroponymy of the Albanians within this group of the population had lost its distinctive character, and as a consequence they had taken names from the Slav and Byzantine anthroponymy.
That the Orthodox population of these areas was Albanian is supported by another element of evidence. Alongside the Catholic clergy who carry distinctive Albanian names, we find Orthodox clergymen called with appellatives which are still in use among Albanians and whose phonetic characteristics are distinctively Albanian such as papa, pop, kallogjer. Thus, in the nahija of Altun-Ili are mentioned Gjini, the son of Popa; Popi, the son of Pavli; Popi, the son of Martini; Popi, the brother of Progon Pavlos; Popi, the son of Nikolla. In the nahija of Peja, we find Jaku the son of Popi; kallogjer Pepa and kallogjer Gjonja; in the nahija of Suhagėrla we find Gjoni, the son of Popi; we find a Pop Pjetri in the nahija of Vuēitern; Pop Jaku in the town of Trepēė; Pop Mati in the town of Janjevė and many more. These cases make unacceptable the viewpoint of Jirecek who had said that the Albanians in the North must be identified with the Catholicism and as a consequence, Catholicism must be identified as the religion of the Albanians. This point of view is very narrow and exclusivist.
In the documentation of the time, we find numerous examples that support the existence of an Albanian Orthodox population, which used Slav or Byzantine names. A good example to illustrate this point is the case of the anthroponymy of the heads of households in the nine Albanian stock-breeding villages existing in the vicinity of Prizren since the fourteenth century. The majority of their inhabitants during the fifteenth and sixteenth century had Slav names. However, the names of their villages were Albanian and according to the Serb documentation, the inhabitants were defined as Albanian. This came as a result of their conversion to Orthodoxy, a conversion which becomes even more understandable when we are reminded that these villages were the property of an Orthodox religious institution. A similar case is the village of Bilush in the nahija of Opoja. This was the only village of the nahija of Opoja where more inhabitants had Slav names than Albanian ones. The same phenomenon happened even in the villages of Kelmend and Pipėr. These villages, which were known by the names of Liēeni, Gjonovoq, Leshoviq, Muriq, Kolemadi, Bukmir, and Bushat, carry distinctive Albanian names. However, besides the inhabitants with distinctive Albanian names we find a number of inhabitants which carry Slav names or Albanian names adapted to Slav forms, such as Stepan, Radiē, Nikaē, Gjonoviq, and so on. Similarly, one could find inhabitants that carried Slav names or names adjusted to Slav forms even in the known Albanian fraternity of the village Arbanas of Tuz. During the fifteenth century this fraternity was spread in 11 different villages. This was a consequence of a conversion of a part of them from Catholicism to Orthodoxy. A better example, that shows that the Albanian Orthodox of the other areas had borrowed names which were characteristically Slav, is found in the registration of the town of Kėrēova at the end of the fifteenth century. In this registration a majority of the orthodox inhabitants of the quartier of the Albanians (clearly defined as Arbanas), carried Slav names.
Numerous other evidence has been provided for the region of Kosova. These documents are a further proof that the Orthodox anthroponymy was a common and widespread phenomenon among the Albanians who lived there. The Albanians in Kosova had carried Slav anthroponymy - names such as Radosav, Brajko, Petko, Bogdan, Radoslav, Branislav, Bozhidar, Millosh, Miloslav and other names - not only during the period before the Turkish occupation of Kosova, but also after the Turks occupied Kosova in 1455. For example, in the book of debtors of the Ragusan merchant Mihail Lukarevic in the third decade of the fifteenth century, together with the names of the inhabitants with names and last names which are distinctively Albanian, we find mentioned there even Albanians with mixed names, Albanian-Slav or with the Albanian names but with the Serb characteristic suffix -ic ,-ovic. For example, there we find names such as Radosav Gjonovic, Ivan Gjonovic, Dimiter Bushatovic, Tanush Bodganovic, Petko Progonovic, Radosav e Jakob Leshovic and others. In the cadastral registration of the year 1455 in the villages of the nahijas of Vuēiternė and Prishtinė, we find Albanians who carry Slav names. However, they are identified as Albanians from the qualification arbanas, or from the Albanian names of their parents. Among such cases are Todori, the son of Arbanas; Bogdani and Radoslavi the sons of Todor; Branislav, the son of Arbanas (the village of Kuēica); Radoslavi, the son of Gjon (the village Ēikatovo); Bogdani, the son of Gjon and Bogdani, his son (the village Sivojevo); Gjoka, the son of Miloslav (the village of Gornja Trepz). Even more explicit evidence has been offered by the register of the sanxhak of Vuēitern of the years 1566-1567. According to the register of the sanxhak, over half of the inhabitants of the Albanian quartier in Janjeva had Albanian names. However, although they were clearly defined as Albanians by nationality (Arbanas) they either carried Orthodox Slav names - such as Pejo, Stepan, Jovan, Mlladen, Bozha, Raja, Stoja and others - or had a mixed Albanian-Slav anthroponymy such as Jova Jaku, Mati Stepa, Gjura Kola, Koka Dobroshi, Dida Stojini. Similarly, in Prizren we find entire Albanian quartiers which have Albanian names as Madhiq, which have Catholic churches such as that of Dimitri Pulitit (Pulti), but whose inhabitants carry distinct Orthodox Slav and Byzantine anthroponymy.
Moreover, the Orthodox Christian inhabitants of these areas do not carry an anthroponymy which is completely distinct for the Orthodox Slavs. In fact, their anthroponymy is of a mixed character. The names used by the Orthodox Christian inhabitants are heterogeneous. We can distinguish names that are distinctively Albanian or names which are used exclusively by the Albanian Roman Catholics, or that are Orthodox but non-Slavic; that is, names which belonged to the sphere of the Greek Byzantine anthroponymy widely carried by the Albanians at the time. For example, among these Orthodox Christians we find names that are more characteristic for the Catholics than for the Orthodoxs and that are used predominantly by Catholics, among the Albanians and others, such as Lukė, Nikolla, Pjetri, David, Jaku, Marin, Filip, Mati. Among the Orthodox inhabitants of Kosova we usually find names that are more characteristic to be used by the Byzantine Orthodoxs than by the Slav Orthodoxs. These names are found here in the forms commonly used by the Albanians such as Ilia, Dimitri, Damjan, Mihal, Komnen, and so on. There is other evidence of a linguistic character which shows us that this population was Albanian and that it did speak in the Albanian language. Quite often, in the original copies of the cadastral registers we find names which are used in the definitive form. Only in the Albanian language, this form ends with an -i. For example names such as Pjetėr and Dimitėr are found in the form Pjetri, Dimitri and not in the Slav forms Petar, Dimitar-Dimitrije. The name Mati is not found in the traditional and distinctive Slav forms, Matija, Matko, Mate, or Matic. From a comparison between the forms of the name Pjetri, Dimitri and Mati that are commonly found among the heads of the households in the sanxhak of Vuēitern with the same names used from the Slav population of the sanxhaks of Belgrade, Montenegro, Kystendil, and Vidin it has been concluded that these definitive forms which are unique for the Albanian language are used only in the region of Kosova. The number of surnames that end with the characteristic suffixes for the Serb language, such as -ic, -evic, -in, is very limited among the head of the households in this area.
The usage of Slav names by the Albanians could be observed in many villages of Kosova. These villages have plural names of the heads of the fraternities, a common feature of the villages inhabited by the Albanians, such as Gjinovc (Gjinajt), Leshofc (Leshajt) Tanushofc (Tanushajt). Although this is an indicator that testifies to their Albanian origin (supported by their definition exclusively as Arbanas-Albanian in the Serb medieval documents), there were inhabitants of the Orthodox religion that carried a Slav anthroponymy. Let me give here the names of the inhabitants of the village of the Gjinajt of the nahija of Treboshnica from the cadastral registration of the year 1566-1567. These names are: Pjetri Jovani, Toma Pjetri, Kostandin Nikolla, Toma Kostandini, Dimitri Pjetri, Mati Pjetri Novak Dimitri, Boja Stepani, Novak Boja, Nikolla Novaku, Stepan Novaku, Nikolla Gjuriq, Nisha Nikolla, Luka pop Jovani, Bozha Luka, Simon Luka, Danko Mihajlo, and other names similar to these.
Similarly, the Albanian villages located in the areas of Kosova bordering with territories inhabited by Slavs, such as the regions of Kurshumlia and Nish, had toponyms with the surname arbanas, arbanashka... which implies that they were in close contact with the Slav populations. In villages such as Arbanas, Arbanashka Petrila, and Arbanashka Brenica, the Albanian Orthodox inhabitants of these areas in most cases had names that were characteristic of the Slav Orthodoxs. For example, the inhabitants of the village Arbanas carried names such as, Stojan, Dajin, Dane Stojani, Mati Marko, Andrija Marko, Dimsa Marko, Luka Gjurko, Nikolla Luka, Pjetri Dimja, Stojan Pjetri, Gjura Marko, Lazar Stepa, Gjura Pejash and other names similar to these.
The Slav influence on names used by the Albanians is evident in a number of the Albanian names which have been adapted to the Slav forms. Such names are for example the names Lekaē, and Lekashin, for Leka; Nikaē for Nika; Gjonaē, Gjonko, Gjonēiq, Gjonoviq for Gjon and Gjonajt; Ukēa for Uk; Dukaē, Dukoi for Duka; Lleshoviq for Leshajt; Gjokaē, Gjokoviq for Gjoka and Gjokajt; Prekēa, Prekoviq for Prek and Prekajt; Uklash for Ulk; Ugjlesha for Uk Lesha and similar names to these. That Albanians used the Slav names is witnessed also from other evidence. Such are the cases when the members of a family or fraternity that from other names are identified as Albanians held also Slav names. Let me give some examples: Radosavi, the son of Gjon; Vladi, the son of Gjon; Bozhidari, the son of Gjon; Leka, the son of Mirosav, Doda Pali and his son Stepan Pali. There are many such cases. Among other things, we find registered Slav names in the forms that are unique for the Albanian language. Such cases are the names Vuka, Nisha, Deja which stand for the Slav names, Vuk, Stanisha, and Dejan. This supports the argument that the population of that area was speaking in the Albanian language. The examples that we have just mentioned allow us to do a better and a scientific interpretation of the onomastics, above all, of the anthroponymy of the inhabitants of the region. This allows us to place the anthroponymy of the inhabitants of this region in the proper historical context and to offer an objective evaluation of the ethnicity of the people who carry these names.
First of all, the evidence I have presented, yields the conclusion that simply because Slav names are held by a part of the inhabitants of these areas, this cannot serve as a criterion to determine in a conclusive and definitive manner the ethnic character of the population. The population of Kosova cannot be defined as Slavic. It is quite obvious that the Slav anthroponymy did not coincide with the ethnicity of the name-bearers. Above all, the anthroponymy of the inhabitants indicates that they were not Slavs. For this reason, we cannot put the equalizing sign between the onomastic character of these areas and the ethnicity of the inhabitants. This has been done in the past by some authors, especially by Serb historiographers. However, such an attempt would purposefully ignore the historical context in which the Albanian population was forced to live. In 1332, the Catholic Archbishop of Antivar, Guglielmo Adam Brocardus described the difficult situation of the Albanian population under Serb domination in the following way:
The reason is that the so-called nations, the Latins and the Albanians, are oppressed from the unbearable yoke and from the harsh rule of the leader of the Slavs. That loathsome rule is hated because their people are heavily taxed, their clergy is hunted and despised, their bishops and their priests quite often are bound in chains and their nobles are forced in exile...
The Slav anthroponymy used by the Albanian Orthodox population of these areas was not simply a result of the coexistence between the two distinct communities. The presence of Slav anthroponymy among the Albanians was a direct consequence of the religious, social and political factors. The two powerful vehicles that enforced this acculturation process were the Serb state administration and the Serb Orthodox Church. What explains the Serb dominance and Slav political and religious influence over the Albanian population of these areas is that the ruling class had been predominantly Slav. Moreover this had happened at a time when the Albanian feudal class had not been able to create a unified feudal state and an autonomous and separated Albanian Church. It is here that we must find the explanation for the Slav influence in the anthroponymy of the Albanians population. The Slavization of the names of the Albanian population, that came as a consequence of the social, religious and political factors, cannot be equalized with the Slavization of the Albanian population. To put it simply, this does not mean that those who had Slav names were ethnic Slavs.
Secondly, the other conclusion we draw from this, regards the toponomastic criterion; that is, the analysis of the cadastral registers demonstrates that the principle that every village which had a Slav name was also inhabited by Slavs - followed by numerous authors-cannot serve to determine the ethnic composition of the population. This principle can be proven wrong by the argument that the inhabitants of a large number of villages that had Slav names, as it was explained before here, had an Albanian population and that an overwhelming majority of them carried Albanian names. Such villages are, among others, the sixteen villages in the nahija of Altun-Ili and the fourteen villages in the nahija of Peja. As explained before, the primary reason why in these territories inhabited by the Albanians we find the Slav toponymy must be sought in the political and the administrative factors. It must be remembered that this phenomenon is common for other areas of the Balkans which are inhabited by a non-Slav population. For these reasons, we believe that any kind of evaluation of the Slav onomastics must be conducted keeping in mind the specific historical circumstances. Considering this we can say that the early Slav toponyms of this area, which were spread during a number of the different stages of the early medieval period, reflect the historical contacts between the Albanians and Slavs, contacts which did happen a long time before the fifteenth century. Consequently, we must say that the equalization of the toponyms with ethnicity does not help us at the least to understand what kind of population lived there during the fifteenth century. It is a different matter when we deal with the Albanian toponymy. That the Albanian dwellings continued to hold Albanian names during the whole period of the Serb domination of these areas, shows that there existed an auctochthonous and ancient population which was subjugated but not assimilated by the Slavs in the period before the fifteenth century. Moreover, the Slav toponymy is not entirely the result of the migration of the Slav population in the early Middle Ages. In this case, we would fail to recognize that in many cases these toponyms are Slavicized Albanian names, that took either Slav suffixes or were adjusted to the Slav phonetics and spelling. Another reason is that the influence of the political, religious and administrative apparatus of the Serb state was felt even in the area of toponymy. A considerable number of names are linked to the activity of this apparatus and the toponyms do not reflect what was the ethnic reality of the region. That during the fifteenth and the sixteenth century we find either two different toponyms for the same village, or the literal translation of the Albanian name into a Slav name, shows that the principle should not be applied in a conclusive and absolute way to the earlier periods either.
In the sixteenth century, the new state administration of the Ottomans in Kosova and Plain of Dukagjini was established and strengthened. A major effect of the establishment of the Ottoman administration was the final destruction of the state and administrative apparatus of the Serb feudals. In the fifteenth century, with the dismantling of the Serb state apparatus, which also had defended the privileges of the Serb Church in these areas, we observe a decrease in Slav names borrowed by the Albanian population and an augmenting of the distinctive Albanian names. When the Ottoman rulers sought through the economic and political measures to impose Islam on the Albanian population in these areas, we observe that together with the augmenting of the Islamic names it happens an increase in the Albanian names too. According to the registers of this period, a large part of the Albanian population of the Plain of Dukagjini and Kosova was forced to abandon the Orthodoxy and to convert to Islam. A direct consequence of this process was that the Albanian population dropped Slav names and began to take Muslim names. In this regard, a typical example is represented by the town of Peja. In 1485, the majority of the inhabitants of Peja, carried Slav names. However, in 1582, the majority of the inhabitants of Peja carried Muslim names. An exception to that were fifteen Orthodox households, a part of which still continued to retain Albanian names such as Pop Nika, Pal Koka and other Albanian names. The process of Islamization occurred outside towns and slowly spread to the villages as well. In the sixteenth century we find that the largest part of the nahija of Altun-ili (Gjakova), nahija of Hoēa, nahija of Hasi, nahija of Prizren and almost all the villages of the nahija of Opoja were converted to Islam. On the other hand, in the villages of the nahija of Peja and the sanxhak of Vuēitern, the Islamization was proceeding at a slower pace; however, we observe an acceleration of the conversions by the seventeenth century in this area.
Even in the second half of the sixteenth century, in spite of the growing number of the conversions to Islam, a large part of the Albanian population, especially that of the villages of the nahija of Prishtinė, the nahija of Vuēitern, the nahija of Labi, and the nahija of Peja, continued to retain their Orthodox beliefs. Also, they continued to carry religious Slav or Byzantine anthroponymy. The presence of the Albanian Orthodox population in this area is proved by evidence which does not come solely from the Turkish sources. For example, in the Project for the Liberation of Albania Approved by the Assembly of Chiefs of the fourteen Albanian regions that was held in Dukagjini of Mati on February 15, 1602 it is clearly said:
We, the Catholics are a force of forty thousand swordsmen, valuable fighters that can fight with bravery. Moreover, with us will be united all the Albanians that are of the Greek rite (the Albanians that were linked to Archbishopric of Ohrid of the Greek Orthodox rite) and those of the Serb rite (Albanian Orthodoxs linked to the Serb Church) that are our neighbors.
This shows that although after the Ottoman occupation the Serb state and the Serb feudal class had disappeared, the Serb Orthodox Church still had managed to preserve some authority among the Albanian believers of the Orthodox faith. During the sixteenth century, although other factors were at work, the Serb Orthodox Church was losing ground due to the spread of Islam. Under these conditions, the common religious denomination, and to a certain extent even the cultural affinity that the Albanian Orthodoxs shared with the Serb minority - to this minority belonged the ruling elite which had controlled the state apparatus, the cultural, and the religious institutions - declined in intensity. Admittedly, it had been quite strong in the pre-Ottoman period. Also, this religious and cultural affinity had been the main cause which had created favorable conditions for the cultural and the ethnic assimilation of the Albanians. With the Ottoman occupation, a situation which was not very favorable to the colonization of these areas by the Slavs and to the Slavization of the Albanian population was created. Nonetheless, it must be noted that the a number of Slav ethnic elements continued to migrate in these areas well into the fifteenth century. Yet, neither the Orthodoxy during the period of Serb occupation nor the Islam during the period of Turkish domination - if we consider these religions as ideologies which were used to achieve at one time the Slavization of the Albanians and at another time, the cultural and the political assimilation of the Albanians in the Ottoman Empire - were able to render a final and conclusive solution in the form of a full assimilation. The reason why they failed must be sought in the presence of a compact and a massive Albanian population in this region, a component of the Albanian nation that had been formed several centuries ago. Although these pressures have left their mark on the Albanian culture, the Albanians in these areas managed to resist the divisive action of the religious factor, primarily thanks to their ethno-cultural unity and their inheritance.
From this point of view, neither the physical presence of the churches nor the previous existence of the statal and religious Serb institutions that the medieval Serb rulers built or invested with land property rights can be used as an argument of absolute validity. so They cannot be used to prove - as it has been done by the Serb historiography - that these territories were ethnically Serb. One cannot use the presence of the mosques and the existence of the Muslim religious institutions to prove that the population that lives in this region is Turkish. The existence of these institutions is linked to the political, social and ideological transformations which happened during the Serb or Ottoman domination of these areas and it has nothing to do with the ethnic character of population that lived in these areas. Furthermore, the occupation and the establishment of the administrative and religious center of the Serb state in Kosova during the thirteenth and the fourteenth century does not mean that this region was ethnically Serb. During the Serb domination of Kosova, the feudal class was predominantly Serb while the lower strata of population were overwhelmingly Albanian. The fact that the ruling class was Serb does not make Kosova an ethnically Serb region. This is neither the first nor the last case in the history of the Balkans and Europe when the ruling elite which controlled the state apparatus, the military and the religious authority belonged to one ethnic group and the auctochthonous population which was relegated to a lower status belonged to another ethnic group. Although in these regions the ethnic communities were living in the same conditions, Islam was spread to the Albanian Orthodox and Catholic population but not to the Slav minority. This becomes understandable when one is reminded of the enormous influence of the Patriarchat of Pejė. For obvious reasons, its influence was far greater among the Slav Orthodox minority than among the Albanian Orthodoxs and its existence was a greater obstacle to the conversion of Slav Orthodoxs to Islam. For the Albanians who lacked religious unity and a unified Church, the Patriarchat of Pejė represented an institution which was connected to the Serb ruling elite and its authority among the Albanians was weak. Other factors that contributed to the Islamization of the Albanian population were the socio-political factors. For instance, through repressive economic and political measures, the Ottoman authorities sought to break down the Albanians and to convert them to Islam.
The onomastic data of the cadastral registrations of the Plain of Dukagjini and Kosova bring strong evidence to prove the argument that the population which lived in these territories was overwhelmingly an agricultural Albanian population of the Catholic and Orthodox religions. This population carried Albanian names as well as Slav and Byzantine names. However, after the sixteenth century, with the spread of Islam, these names are substituted by Muslim names. The registers show that in the villages the ethnic Serb element was a negligible minority. This becomes even more clearer when we consider the conditions of the towns in the sixteenth century.
What was the ethnic composition of the towns in the Plain of Dukagjini and in Kosova during the second half of the sixteenth century (there are plenty of data for this period), almost a century before the supposedly massive migration of Serbs from Kosova happened? Historical documents clearly prove that the Albanian population was present and constituted the overwhelming majority of the urban population. The best way to clarify this matter is to consider the evidence we have from the cadastral registration conducted by the Ottoman Empire during that time. According to these data, the number of urban households appears as follows: the town of Prizren had 557 houses; the town of Prishtina had 506 houses; the town of Trepēa had 447 houses; the town of Novobėrda had 366 houses; the town of Vuēitern had 286 houses; Janjeva had 288 houses; Peja had 158 houses; while Gjakova, at that time only a village, had only 46 houses.
In the cities, the process of conversions to Islam had progressed with accelerated rhythms. When taken together, the inhabitants of the towns of Peja, Prizren, Vuēitern, and Prishtina had 1000 Muslim houses or about 65 % of their population compared to 547 Christian houses which constituted only 35%. In the towns of Janjeva, Trepēa, and Novoberda, where at the time of registration, the Muslim population constituted something around 25% of the population, the process of Islamization had been less effective. Taken together, these three towns had 273 Muslim houses and 828 Christian houses.
If we take every town separately, the percentage of the households which had converted to Islam is as follows: Peja, 90%; Vuēitern, 80%; Prishtina, 60%; Trepēa, about 21%; Novobėrda, 37%; and Janjeva 14%. There is not the slightest doubt that the population which converted to Islam were Albanians. This is clearly shown by the fact that in most cases the people who converted to Islam preserved the Christian surnames of their parents, or they carried last names that were distinctive and characteristic for the Albanians. Among many such cases are Ali Gjoci, Hysein Barda, Hasan Gjini, Ali Deda, Ferhat Reēi, Hasan Bardhi, Iljaz Gaēja, Hėzėr Koka in Prizren; Mustafa Gjergji, Aliu the son of Bardhi, Ahmeti, the son of Ali Deda, Rexhep Deda in the town of Vuēitern. Outside these towns, such as for example in the villages of the nahija of Peja, the nahija of Altun-Ili, the nahija of Rudina, the nahija of Domeshtiē, the nahija of Pashtrik, the nahija of Hoēa and the nahija of Opoja in the Plain of Dukagjini - an area where the process of Islamization was still going on at the time of this registration - we find numerous Muslim inhabitants that during the second part of the sixteenth century continued to retain their Albanian surnames. In the Plain of Dukagjini, the population was almost entirely Albanian and the process of conversions to Islam in the towns and in the villages continued with the same pace. However, a distinctive feature of the pattern of conversion to Islam in the urban areas was that the rhythms of conversions there were accelerated when compared to the countryside. To be sure, the same factors that pressured the peasantry to convert to Islam - the repressive economic and political measures - determined the pace of conversions in the towns. The relative acceleration of the conversion process in the towns was mainly due to other factors which were more influential in the urban environment, such as the presence of administrative apparatus, the cultural influence and the concentration of religious institutions.
Evidence that the Muslim population was Albanian is attained by the reports of the various emissaries of Papacy, such as Pjetėr Mazreku, and Gjergj Bardhi. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, these high Catholic prelates, were often traveling and visiting the territories under consideration. Speaking about several cities, these authors explicitly point out that the Muslim population there was of the Albanian nationality. In many cases, the relators of the sixteenth century tell us that the term Turk used by them to define the Albanians converted to Islam, was employed due to the religious significance and without any considerations about the ethnic aspect of the individual. This is quite clear when they write about the Muslim peasants. On the other hand, the ethnic element is clearly distinguished in the registrations of the cities where Turkish ethnic elements are clearly distinguished by the Albanians, such as the Bali the Turk, Ahmet the Turk, or Hasan the Turk, in the town of Janjeva. The need on the part of the registrar to make such a distinction shows that the Muslim population which was not Turkish, was Albanian. In short, the conversion of the Albanians to Islam did not bring about their cultural and ethnic assimilation. Independently of the conversion to another religion, the population remained ethnic Albanians.
In the urban areas of Kosova, in addition to the Albanian population that converted to Islam and which was in clear majority in the towns, there lived other inhabitants who carried distinctive and characteristic Albanian names such as Pal, Gjon, Lika, Deda, Doda, Kola and others. There are 188 heads of households who carry these names in the towns of Prizren, Janjeva, Trepēė, and Novobėrdė. They make up 17.5% of the heads of the households that are Christians (Orthodox and Roman Catholics) in the town of Prizren, 33% in the town of Janjeva, 12% in the town of Novobėrdė, and 7% in the town of Trepēė.
If taken as a single unit, the towns of Pejė, Gjakovė, Prizren, Vuēitern, and Prishtinė had a majority of the heads of households that were Muslims (1006 households). They also had 547 Christian households. Within this group, about 217 heads of household carried distinctive Albanian names or mixed Albanian-Slav names. Only 330 heads of households carried names that are characteristic for the anthroponimic sphere of the Orthodox Serb and Byzantine Greek denominations. Clearly the ethnic Slav element is in minority. It must be remembered that within the Slav anthroponymy there are many families that are actually Albanians that were Orthodox Christians. Therefore, the number of ethnic Slav households could not have been as high as 330. The Albanian Orthodox element was spread more in Prizren and in Prishtina. In addition, as we can deduce from the Slav names held by the Catholic inhabitants of the Quartier of Latins (Catholics) in Prishtina, there must have had also colonies of the Ragusan merchants. From the anthroponymic evidence, we can conclude that even in the towns of Trepēė, Janjeva and Novobėrdė, the Albanians constituted the majority of population. If these three towns are taken as a single unit, there were a total of 273 heads of households that were Muslims, 222 that held distinctive Albanian names, and 606 that had Slav and Byzantine names. However, the Slav element in these towns must have been more numerous than in Prizren and Prishtinė. These areas were very important minerary centers and of particular importance to the Serb state. The Slav colonization of these towns - mainly people employed in the administrative apparatus of the Serb state, Serb Orthodox clergy and Serb merchants - was more consistent and of greater intensity. As we know from the documentation of the pre-Ottoman occupation of Kosova, in these towns, there must have been present Slav Orthodox elements and Slav Catholics who had come from other places. An exemplary such case is the presence of the Ragusan merchants in Janjeva. Similarly, in Trepēė, more here than in the other towns, we find inhabitants who carry names characteristic for the Catholic Croats and Orthodox Serbs. These names have suffixes characteristic of Slav names. We also find remnants of the German Saxons who, in the previous centuries, had come to these areas to work as specialists in the mines. The existence of the Serb minorities in these towns is quite understandable. Due to their geographic proximity to the Serb enclaves, these areas were a target for the neighboring Serb. On the other hand, these territories had been for centuries occupied by Serbs. They had become very important state, administrative, and religious centers. For all these reasons, these towns were more exposed to the colonization by Serb elements.
As the evidence shows, in the sixteenth century, the towns of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini were inhabited almost entirely by the Albanians. This is almost one century before the so-called massive Serb migration supposedly occurred in 1690s. At least this is the thesis which is being defended by the Yugoslav and Serb historiography. In so far as the villages of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini are concerned, it is quite clear that we cannot speak of a significant presence of the Serb minorities in the peasant dwellings of Kosova. The Serb colonization of the villages had been very limited.
That the population of Kosova was Albanian is proven also from another important source. During the second half of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth century, there were a number of Assemblies of the representatives of the Albanian nation. These Assemblies sought to organize the resistance of the Albanian people against Turkish occupation and coordinate that resistance with the efforts of other Balkan nations and European states. This resistance movement was institutionalized and politically organized. In the documents of the time these are known as the Albanian Assemblies. In these Assemblies participated only representatives of the regions that were rebelled against the Turks. One of these Assemblies, the Assembly of Dukagjini of the year 1601-1602 was held in the village of Macukull in the region of Mati. At this Assembly there were representatives from the fourteen Albanian regions. There were four representatives of the Albanians from Kosova: Pjetėr Kolamari, Andrea Kolesi (Koleshi) Feta Kuka, and the Catholic priest Mark Belaēi. In the Albanian Assemblies of the sixteenth and seventeenth century participated exclusively only representatives of the Albanian regions that were rebelled against the Turks. In these Assemblies were not allowed to participate representatives who belonged to other neighboring ethnic groups. The representatives of Kosova participated in the Assembly because Kosova was a territory inhabited from the Albanians.
Another way to document the presence of Albanians in Kosova is to refer to the reports that tell us about the beginnings of the spread of the language and writing in Albanian in these areas. Most authors of Albanian literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth century worked in the region of Kosova. Among other things, they worked intensively to spread education in the Albanian language and to open Albanian schools in these areas. The writer Pal Hasi, who lived and worked in this area in the second half of the sixteenth century was from the Northeastern district between Prizren and Kukės. Pjetėr Budi, a parish priest, a writer and a renowned linguist started to work at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Budi served in Kosova for many years. We do have a report concerning his work in these areas which was sent to the Vatican in the year 1621. Among many other things, Budi writes that,
In these areas I stayed for 17 years and I tried as hard as I could to help and strengthen the people and those priests with my great care... with devoted books that I wrote in their languages, for the Servians and for the Albanians.
In this letter, which is written in the Albanian language, Budi complains to the Vatican that the people in the region are very poor and ignorant, and he expresses his regret especially when he speaks about the lack of schools in the Albanian language. Even Pjetėr Bogdani, Andrea Bogdani and Lukė Bogdani, who continued the tradition of the Albanian writing after Buzuku and Budi, were from the region of Kosova.
Another priest, Pjetėr Mazreku, also from Prizren, arrived to Janjeva around the year 1665, immediately after he had finished his studies in Italy. In Janjeva, he worked hard to teach the Catholic children in the school of Janjeva. As long as Pjetėr Mazreku was teaching there, the language that was used in the school was the Albanian language. However, after the coming of Vinēenc Matoviq as a teacher, it is possible that afterwards the teaching might have been conducted in the Serb language. Similar schools were active in many other areas. In the year 1671, in the parish of Janjeva was open a new school where teaching was conducted in the Albanian language. In another relation, Mazreku remarks:
The Southern people have numerous languages. The Catholics in Prizren speak the Albanian and the Serb language, while those in the villages, speak only Albanian. In the poor district of Prizren are needed five priests, but these priests must speak the Albanian language. Similarly to the other nations, Albanians want to have priests that speak their own language.
In other reports sent to the Vatican, Pjetėr Mazreku continues to stress the important role of the education and the need to educate the Albanians that live in these areas in their own language.
A similar example is Pjetėr Bogdani, the Albanian Catholic Archbishop of Prizren, who lived and served in this area during the second half of the seventeenth century. In the reports that he sent to the Vatican, Bogdani quite often insisted on the need to educate the Albanian youth. The movement to develop the teaching of the Albanian language had started as early as the end of sixteenth century. Documents indicate that its epicenters were the towns of Prizren and Gjakova but the network of the schools was spread towards the east, including Gjilan and Janjeva and going as far as in the vicinity of Shkup. This ancient tradition of the teaching of Albanian language and the cultivation of the Albanian language and literature in Kosova is additional proof that Albanians were living there from the remote past. The Albanians simply did not migrate there at the end of seventeenth century as Serb authors would like us to believe.
5. THE DISMANTLING OF THE SERB FEUDAL STATE AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE ALBANIAN FEUDAL CLASS
Although the Ottoman occupation of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini caused some very important changes in the ideological, economical, political and social relations, it did not substantially change the physiognomy and the ethno-cultural structure of the Albanian nation. The state apparatus, that had been at the hands of the Serb feudal class, in the fifteenth century was destroyed with the establishment of the new Ottoman administration. Also, the Serb Church lost its dominant position and many of its privileges. The feudal class of Kosova, that until the Turkish occupation had been predominantly Serb, had lost a considerable number of its members during the military conflicts with the Ottoman state. Furthermore, immediately after the establishment of the Ottoman administration in 1455, the remnants of the Serb feudal class were expropriated and they lost their ownership of the land. This was made possible with the establishment of the Ottoman system of state property and the creation of the 259 feuds which were given to the members of the Ottoman ruling elite. It is for these two reasons, that the Serb feudal class lost its land property. Almost overnight, the feudal class was eliminated as an independent economical and political class. This is clearly seen from the fact that in the new ruling elite of the area were integrated as Catholic Spahi and Gulam, a limited number of small feudals. These were more Serbs than Albanians and they owned 20.8% of the feuds and received 13.2% of the feudal spahi rent. Seen from its ethnic composition, the feudal class, at the beginning of the occupation was mostly composed of the Muslim Spahi. Their nationality was mostly Turkish. However, some of them were provenient from other areas of the Balkans; they had converted to Islam and had been integrated for quite some time in the Ottoman feudal class. For example in the year 1455, we find these Muslim spahi in Kosova: nine Spahi are from the nahija of Vardar; two are from the nahija of Vidin; three are from the nahija of Manastir, two are from the nahija of Kostur, two are from the Shehirkoj; two are from Kopryly; one is from Serez; four are from Tėrhalla; two are from Vranja; four from Anadoll, and so on. With time, the Christian Spahis of the area slowly integrated in the local Turkish feudal class.
There was a number of Albanian Christian Spahi in Kosova. Besides them, the Albanian element within the Ottoman feudal class there was represented by other former feudals that already had converted to Islam. Some of these feudals owned important ziamets such as that of Altun-Ili (Gjakova) and that of Joshanica. During the fifteenth and sixteenth century, this element within the Albanian feudal class became predominant. This is made clear from the vakufname they left. These vakufname tell us that from the very beginning of the sixteenth century, the feudal aristocracy of these areas was mostly composed of Albanians. Representatives of the Albanian aristocracy were assigned high positions in the central and local military and state administration of the Ottoman Empire. They made vakufs of lands, stores, and other property dedicated to Muslim religious institutions that they had build in the major cities. During this time we do not observe a filling of the local Ottoman feudal class with Serb ethnic elements as it happened in Serbia proper. This is explained with the fact that the former Serb feudal class was transplanted in a foreign ethnic land.
The changing political conditions made possible the incorporation in the Ottoman feudal class of a larger number of elements provenient from the population of these areas and other areas inhabited by the Albanians. The large number of Albanian elements who entered the Ottoman feudal ranks could have come only from an area inhabited by Albanians. The emergence and the prominence of the Albanian feudal class in the Northeastern Albanian territories was remarkable. Moreover, its emergence was not hindered by the presence of the centralized religious and administrative apparatus of the Serb state and the higher ranks of the Serb feudal hierarchy. In the past, these important positions had been controlled predominantly by the Serbs. The policy of the Serb state and the Serb Church had been based on ethnic preferences. By and large, they had managed to exclude Albanians from being incorporated in the Serb feudal class.
These had been determinant factors in preventing the development of the Albanian feudal class in the territory of Kosova and Plain of Dukagjini. Other Albanian territories had been only for a short period of time part of the Serb state, they were in its periphery, and the feudal class was Albanian. In contrast to the territories of Northern Albania, where a chain of state political formations were created during the thirteenth and fourteenth century, in the territories dominated by the Serb state the Albanian feudal class could not emerge easily in the political scene. However, after the new Ottoman rulers destroyed the state apparatus and the Serb feudal class, they were constrained to admit in the Ottoman local feudal stratum, indigenous elements without discriminating on the basis of religion or ethnic affiliation. This was a normal practice that Ottomans had followed in all other areas they had previously conquered. Slowly, that ethnic distinction which existed between the lower strata and the ruling class mostly composed of elements that belonged to a different ethnic group (a situation which had characterized the period of the Serb domination) disappeared. This was a phenomenon which had happened in an analogous way in the numerous other areas of the Balkans and the Europe during the Middle Ages.
6. THE PRESUMED MIGRATORY WAVES IN AND OUT KOSOVA AND THE MATTER OF ALBANIZATION.
Let us consider now the problem of the presumed Albanian migrations from the mountainous Albanian hinterland to Kosova. This is asserted constantly by the Serb historiographers. In spite of all the facts at the contrary, the Serb historiographers continue to insist on the existence of this migration.
The Albanian population in the Plain of Dukagjini and in Kosova was an auctochthonous population that it not appear there as a result of a massive migration as it is pretended by the Serb historiography. The evidence and documents we have from the historical sources that pertain to the period of Serb domination are fragmentary and do not allow us to create a complete picture of the Albanian population in these areas. However, the cadastral registrations of the fifteenth and sixteenth century, reveal to us what was the demographic composition of the Plain of Dukagjini and Kosova. These cadastral registers show clearly and convincingly that these territories were inhabited by an overwhelming Albanian majority; they give us the incontestable argument that the Albanian population even during the period of Serb domination had been present in these territories. Moreover, the cadastral registers tell us that the Albanian population was auctochthonous and did not migrate from somewhere else. This is also proven by the fact that all the known historical sources and documents do not mention any kind of massive movement of the Albanian population from the mountainous hinterland and regions such as Mirdita, Dukagjini and Mbishkodra (Pult, Kelmend, Shosh, and Shalė). There is not mentioned any massive movements that would have caused radical changes in the demographic composition of these areas. Quite on the contrary, the documents we now possess give us very clear indications that there was absolutely no real possibility for such demographic movements in the fifteenth and the sixteenth century. At the time when the Turkish occupation began, the core mountainous regions of the sanxhak of Dukagjini such as Iballa, Spasi, Fandi i Madh, Fandi i Vogėl and Puka as well as the districts of the sanxhak of Shkodra (Pulti and Kelmendi) - according to the registrations of the years 1485 and 1529 - had a total of only 2014 households. On the other hand, the region of the Plain of Dukagjini and Kosova had around 28000 households. Moreover, even when it is compared with the number of the houses of a number of nahija in Kosova taken separately, the number of households in the core mountainous Albanian region was very small.
For example, in 1455, the nahija of Vuēitern had 3267 households, the nahija of Morava had 3152 households, and the nahija of Labi had 4092 households. In 1485, the nahija of Peja had 4196 households. The total number of households of the Northern mountainous region of Albania was only one-seventh of the houses of the sanxhak of Vuēitern which had 14782 houses. For that matter, the total number of households in the Northern mountainous region of Albania was almost the half of the houses of the nahija of Peja. Even if the whole population of the mountainous region had migrated - something which is really inconceivable - and even if we would assume that the population of Kosova before that had been entirely Serb, the ethnic character of the population would not have changed. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries we find that there was a relative growth in the number of the population and dwellings in the mountainous regions of Albania. This shows that there were no possibilities for a considerable movement of the population in the neighboring regions, especially for migrations that would totally upset the ethnic ratio of the population in the region of Kosova.
The cadastral registers bring further evidence which proves that the Albanian population in Kosova was stable and aucthochtonous, while the Serb minority had been transitory and migratory. Contrary to what has been pretended by the Serb authors, the Serb population changed places quite often. Usually, in the cadastral registers, for the heads of the households who had moved in a village are added the remarks prishlac, doshlac-i (newcomers in Serbian language) or haymanegan for the peregrines. The names of the heads of households that are new carry overwhelmingly Slav names. These people were not coming from the hinterland of Northern Albania. If that supposition was true, they would have held Albanian names, similarly to the other inhabitants of these districts which were included in the sanxhaks of Shkodra and Dukagjini, a fact which is clearly proven by the registers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The majority of the newcomers were Slav ethnic elements that were moving within these regions or that came from other areas with the Slav population in the North of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini. Keeping in mind the large number of the heads of households with Slav names that are defined as newcomers in these areas in the fifteenth and sixteenth century, it convincingly appears that even in the sixteenth century the Serb minority was unsettled and continued to be unstable and wandering. This was due to the fact that it was not an indigenous population but that most of them had come as colons during the Serb domination of the region.
According to the historical and ethnographic data, during the seventeenth and nineteenth century, there was some migration from the hinterland of Northern Albania to Kosova and viceversa. However, these movements occurred within a territory where the overwhelming majority of population was already Albanian. In the Yugoslav historiography, the dimensions of these migrations are blown out of proportions, they are considered as one-directional and greatly exaggerated. Yugoslav historiography does not study these migrations based on the available historical documents. These migrations are studied more on the basis of the ethnographic evidence collected in the twentieth century. This, of course, does not allow us to offer a correct judgment about phenomena and processes that took place two or even three centuries ago. The data from reliable historical sources shows that the population of these areas which converted to Islam had been Albanian well before the beginnings of this process in the fifteenth century and in the second half of the sixteenth century. The same data prove that the thesis, according to which in these areas had happened a process of Islamization of the Slav elements that later brought about their Albanization, is erroneous and fundamentally mistaken because it is based on false premises. The Islamization, which served as an ideological instrument at the hands of the Ottomans to achieve the political and the cultural assimilation of the Albanians, could not have served as an instrument to achieve the Albanization of the Slavs. Islamization was a process that was imposed upon the Albanians, it hindered their unity against the Ottomans, it was an obstacle to their social, political and cultural development. For all matters and purposes, the conversion to Islam was used by the Ottomans to assimilate culturally and ethnically the Albanians themselves. It is inconceivable to think that a people who is oppressed and occupied has power to impose the ideology of the oppressor and occupier to another people that suffers under the same circumstances and carries the same yoke. It is unrealistic, to say the least, to argue that a people occupied, manages to assimilate another occupied people as it is pretended that happened with Albanians and the Serbs.
From another point of view, the authors of this thesis identify the position of the Albanian people that during the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries were continuing to fight and resist the Ottoman occupation, with the positions held by the Albanian feudal elements. The Albanian feudal elements were an integral part of the Ottoman feudal class. However, their pretension that the Albanian people was presumably privileged under the Ottoman occupation, that the Albanian people was not subjected to the same intensive form of exploitation and ruthless domination as the other peoples of the Ottoman Empire, is based on a mistaken methodology. Apparently, to them it does not matter much. Their goal is to deny that the Albanian population of these areas was Albanian and descendants of the ancient Illyrian population that lived there in their own land. Similarly it appears quite impossible to achieve a complete ethnic assimilation, an Albanization process of the Serb population through the conversion to Islam within such a short period of 100-150 years. This seems all the more impossible especially when we already know that in this area we have a considerable Albanian population of Muslim denomination and what is more important, when we did not have any migrations from the hinterland of Northern Albanian mountainous regions.
With regard to the assimilation of the Slavs by the Albanians we should also remember that objective and subjective suitable conditions for such a process to happen did not exist. The Albanian Muslims, as well as the Albanian Christians were under the occupation of the Ottomans. Similarly to other peoples of the Balkans, they were forced to defend their identity as a people and as a nation. Similarly to the other peoples in the Ottoman Empire, the Albanian people were not in that privileged position that could allow them to carry by force the assimilation of another population. Among the Albanian Muslims, the position of the Muslim raja was not very different from that of the oppressed and exploited class of the serfs, an integral part of which was the Christian raja population. By no means can we say that this was the position of the feudal class. The status of the lower strata of the population, as the worst exploited and oppressed (be it a peasant raja or an urban Muslim or Christian), is well-known and well-documented. Better than any other source, the documents that came out of the chancelleries of the Ottoman state clearly show us that this was the case. Once again, the authors of the thesis of the Albanization do not bring any historical facts whatsoever to support their argument. Historical materials, especially those that are published recently, have brought rich evidence to support the argument that the population of Kosova which later converted to Islam were of the Albanian population of the Catholic and Orthodox denominations.
7. SOME DOCUMENTS ABOUT THE ALBANIANS IN KOSOVA AT THE END OF XVIIth CENTURY AND SOME CONCLUSIONS
Other historical documents help us to uncover the falsity of the argument that Albanians came to Kosova after the Austro-Ottoman War of the years 1683-1699, the time when the massive migration of Serbs from Kosova is supposed to have happened. One important source are the documents of the Austrian High Command. These documents offer a clear description of the situation in Kosova and these territories during the united fight of the Austrian Armies and the Albanian uprising against the Ottoman forces in the years 1689-1690. These documents describe the ethnic composition of the regions of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini only a few months before the presumed migration was supposed to have happened.
The evidence from the Austrian documentation proves once again that Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini were regions inhabited by the Albanians. One important indication is that the Austrian High Command includes these territories within the borders of Albania. The Austrian High Command does not use for these territories the label Serbia. This term had been used by numerous authors, especially by clergymen during the fifteenth and sixteenth century. The term Serbia had been used in a religious and political sense and as a continuation of the tradition that used to include these territories in the Serb state (these territories had been a part of that state for some centuries) or consider it in a separate dioceses altogether with other territories inhabited by Slavs in Serbia, Macedonia and Bulgaria. In the documents of the Austrian High Command, for example, in the promemorie on Albania of the General Marsiglio, a high ranking member of the Austrian General Staff dated April 1, 1690, in the letters of the Catholic Vicar of the Shkup, Thoma Raspasan who had substituted the leader of the Albanian uprising, the Archbishop of Albania, Pjetėr Bogdani, it said clearly that Prizren was the capital of Albania, that Peja and Shkup were parts of Albania, and that in the area of Kosova people spoke the Albanian language.
When his armies entered into Kosova, the Emperor of Austria, Leopold I remarked that his armies were fighting in Albania. There were no reasons for Leopold I to alienate Serbs if they were as they say, the majority in Kosova. The Archbishop Pjetėr Bogdani is called Archbishop of Albania, and the Bishopric of Shkup was included within Albania. In numerous works of Austrian and Italian historiography that also rely on these documentary sources, it is unequivocally admitted that the territories of Kosova were inhabited by Albanians and these territories were included within the territories of Albania.
Furthermore, the evidence we have shows that the number of Albanian fighters that came from these territories and that joined the Austrian Armies in the year 1689 was in such numbers that they could have come out only from a territory inhabited by the Albanians. At the time when the Austrian armies were entering in the Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini, the uprising against the Ottoman domination that here had started some time ago was reaching its peak. At the beginning of November 1689, when the Austrian forces entered in Prishtina they were received there by 5000 Albanian fighters. When Austrian armies entered in Prizren, they were received by 6000 other fighters. It is here that the Austrian Commander-in-Chief, General Piccolomini, met and spoke with the leaders of the uprising, the Catholic Archbishop of Shkup, Pjetėr Bogdani and the Patriarch of the Orthodox Church of Peja, Andrea III Crnojevic that was leading the rebels from the Serb minority of Kosova.
The Austrian Command had paid special attention to the incitement of the revolt from the oppressed people of the Balkans and especially to the uprising of the Albanian people. The obvious reason is that by allying with Albanians the Austrians could reach an easier victory over the Ottoman Armies. For the sake of truth we must say that the easiness with which the Austrians swiftly swiped Turks and entered in Albania until they reached Luma was made possible only by the war fought by the Albanian fighters of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini. This is understandable if we remember the fact that the Austrian forces that were fighting in these areas did not exceed 8000 troops. If it were not for the Albanian fighters, that small army was clearly insufficient to defeat the Ottoman armies.
The Albanian insurgents participated also in the battle that the Austrian forces fought with the Ottomans on January 2, 1690 at the Valley of Kaēanik which ended with the defeat of the Austrian forces. After that, the Ottoman armies, within a brief time and before the Spring, managed to conquer once again, one after the other all the towns of the Plain of Dukagjini and Kosova. The Albanian insurgents were still fighting side by side to the Austrians against the Ottomans. Thus on March, 17, 1690, they participated in the battle fought between the Austrian military unit commanded by Kutschenbach against the Ottomans in Novobėrda, a battle won by the Austrians. On March 23, 1690, 1500 Albanian insurgents, incorporated in a unit commanded by Schekendorf participated in the expedition against Ottoman forces in Pirot.
The fact that these areas were inhabited by Albanians and the very important role played by the Albanian uprisings on the international scene were a factor to which was paid very special attention in the military and long term plans of the European states against the Ottomans. These were among the reasons that convinced the Emperor Leopold I to address a proclamation to the oppressed peoples of the Balkans. This happened on April 6, 1690 and the proclamation was addressed first of all to the Albanian people. Albanians were encouraged to begin the fight against the Ottomans and to intensify their attempts to strengthen their relations with the Albanian insurgents in Kosova.
The data from the archival Austrian sources of the seventeenth century on the uprising of the Albanians in Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini are a further proof that these areas were almost completely inhabited by the Albanians. Recently, Serb historiographers like Veselinovic, have sought to deny the participation and the contribution of the Albanians in these uprisings. They aim to prove that the only participants in these uprisings was the Serb minority of Kosova. According to Veselinovic, those insurgents from Kosova that are mentioned as Albanians (albaner) and kelmendas (klimenten) were neither Albanian nor from Kelmendi. They were nothing less or else but Serbs. This deformation and distortion is done simply because, at this juncture, the Serb historiographers could not accept and justify such a massive presence of Albanians in Kosova. Otherwise, they would have no grounds to deny the auctochthony of the Albanians in Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini.
Other Serb scholars, for example Kostic, have polemicized with the authors like Veselinovic and they have admitted that in Kosova the uprising was Albanian-Serbian. They also have argued that when compared with the fifteenth century, the geopolitical concept of Albania at the end of the seventeenth century was expanded to include the territories of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini. Nevertheless, even these authors denied that the Albanians are auctochthonous. To the concept of Albania, these authors give only a geographical connotation that did not have an ethnic significance. The Yugoslav historiographers have recognized the presence of a limited number of Catholic Albanians in Kosova during the seventeenth century. However, they vehemently have denied the presence of the Albanian population of the Orthodox and Muslim denominations. As we have seen, the presence of Orthodox and Muslim Albanians is very well-documented from the reports of the Albanian clergy, from the Austrian documentary sources and especially from the cadastral registers of the Ottoman Empire. When added to the other evidence brought from the medieval documents on the presence and the auctochthony of the Albanians in these territories, the evidence brought by the Austrian documentation on the large number of the Albanian insurgents in Kosova, and the inclusion by the Austrian Command of this area within the Albanian territories, shows the falsity of the arguments defended and advanced by the Serb and Yugoslav authors. The presence of the Albanian population in these territories during the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries is extensively documented by domestic, Austrian, Ottoman, and other sources. It is apparent that from a scientific point of view, the argument defended and advanced by the Serb historiographers is fallacious. From a social relations standpoint this argument is biased and chauvinistic. The vast body of evidence available shows that the Albanians in Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini were auctochthonous and not migrants that came in the area after the seventeenth century. The documentation of the fifteenth and the sixteenth century proves definitively that the regions of Kosova and the Plain of Dukagjini were territories inhabited overwhelmingly by Albanians. Consequently, the supposed migration of the Serbs from Kosova after the Austro-Ottoman war has been blown out of proportion. The main reason why the Serb historiography claims that the exodus was massive, must be sought in the need to justify a radical change in the ethnic composition of such a broad territory. This was the only way that they could somehow build up the argument of de-Serbization of this area. In fact, the Serb migration from Kosova was a migration in far smaller numbers of the Serb insurgents led from the Patriarch of Peja. As we now know, from these areas did not migrate only these Serbs but with them went a lot of Albanian insurgents, the traces of whom we still can detect and find in Slavonia. If the Serb migration from Kosova would have been massive, it should have left traces in the records and the documents of the time, be they domestic, Turkish, or in Vatican archives (which by the way, was very well informed from its prelates and clergymen on the situation in these territories during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries). So far, a large amount of documents from these archives have been published, and there no mentioning of such massive migratory moves of population in and out the region of Kosova.
1 Professor Selami Pulaha is one of the foremost authorities on the Albanian history during the early period of Turkish occupation of Albania. He is the author of numerous books and essays published in Albanian and other languages. His extremely influential and pathbreaking work remains a constant point of reference to the scholars of the Albanian history. Unfortunately, his studies are not that well-known in the English-speaking world. This article was initially published in Studime Historike in 1982. It was republished in the collection of essays, Popullsia Shqiptare e Kosovės gjatė shekujve XV-XVI Shtėpia Botuese 8 Nėntori: Tiranė, 1984:7-42. The article was translated in English by Shinasi A. Rama. The IJAS would like to acknowledge the extremely valuable help given by Stephen Lennon and Arta Haxhaj who patiently edited the English version. We are extremely grateful to both of them.
2 A. Jovicevic, Malesije, naselja i poreklo stanovista, Knjiga XV Beograd, 1923.
3 Vladan Djordjevic, Die Albanesen und die Grossmächte, Hirsel: Leipzig, 1913; see also Vladan Djordevic, LAlbanie et les Albanais, Paris, 1913.
4 Todor Stankovic, Putne beleske po Staroj Srbiji, Beograd, 1910. Todor Stankovic, Beleske o Staroj Srbiji i Makedoniji Stamp. Kraljevine Srbije: Nish, 1915
5 Jovan N. Tomic, O arnautima u Staroj Srbiji i u Sandzaku, Knjizara Gece Kona: Beograd, 1913. In the French translation, Yovan Tomich, Les Albanais en viellee Serbie et dans Sandjak de Novi Pazar. Paris, 1913. Jovan Tomic, Pecki Patriajarh Jovan i pokret kriscana u balkanskom poluostrova, 1592-1614, Zemun, 1913.
6 J. Cvijic, Osnova za geografiju i geologiju Makedonije i Stare Srbije. Posedna izdanja SAN I 1906 Vol. XVII, Beograd, 1907; and Osnova za geografiju i geologiju Makedonije i Stare Srbije. Volume XVIII Beograd, 1911.
7 A. Selisev, Slavsjanskoe naselie v Albanii, Sofija, 1931.
8 Milan Suflay, Die Grenzen Albaniens in Mittelalter in Illyrisch-Albanische Forschungen, Bild I, Munchen und Leipzig, 1916: 202-203.
9 M. Filipovic, Etnicke prilike o Juznoj Srbiji, Skoplje, 1937; M. Filipovic Has pod Pastrikom Sarajevo, 1958.
10 Atanasije Urosevic, Kosovo SANU (Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti) Srpski Etnografski Zbornik Knjiga 78. Naucno Delo: Beograd, 1965.
11 Branislav Nusic, Kosovo-opis zemlja i naroda, in two vols. Matica Srpska: Novi Sad, 1962.
12 D. Popovic, Srbi u Vojvodini, Novi Sad, 1957; See also D.Popovic, Veoma seoba srba 1690, Beograd, 1954.
13 Jovan Trifunovski, Kacanicka Klisura Srpski etnografski zbornik SAN Knjiga 32 Beograd, 1950.
14 The textbook was Istorija Naroda Jugoslavije Knjiga 2 Beograd, 1960: 770-801.
15 On Vasa Cubrilovic see the analysis of Rexhep Qosja The Albanian Question and the Serb Political Programs, published in The IJAS Volume I Number I 1997:21-39.
16 M. Dinic, Iz Dubrovackog arhiva in 3 vols. The three volumes were published in Belgrade in the years 1957, 1963, and in 1967. Similarly, see M. Dinic, Iz istorije rudarstva u srednjevekovskoj Srbiji i Bosniji in 2 vols. Beograd, 1955 and 1962.
17 A. Handzic, Nekoliko vijesti o Arbanasima na Kosovu i Metohiji sredinom XV vijeka. Symposium on Skanderbeg, Prishtinė, 1969:201-211.
18 J. Zaimov, Bolgarskie geograficeskie nazvanii o Albanii XV veka. Studia Balkanica I, tom 2 Sofija, 1981 (p. 260 and 292).
19 Among the most important studies are the following: Alain Ducellier, Les albanais ont-ils envahi le Kosovo? L 'Albanie vol. 2 Number 13 Paris Juin 1981: 1-14; Idriz Ajeti, Kontribut pėr studimin e onomastikės mesjetare nė territorin e Malit tė Zi, Bosnjės e Hercegovinės, dhe tė Kosovės. Gjurmime Albanalogjike (Seria e Shkencave Filologjike) IV Prishtinė, 1974-1975; Hivzi Islami, E Vėrteta mbi shqiptarėt nė disa vepra antropo-gjeografike. Dituria I Prishtina,1971: 65-92; Kėrkimet antropo-gjeografike nė Kosovė. in Gjurmime Albanalogjike (Seria e Shkencave Historike I 1971: 113-162; Muhamet Tėrnava, Shqiptarėt nė feudin e Deēanit nė vitet 30 tė shekullit XV sipas krisobulės sė Deēanit. Zbornik Filozofskog Fakulteta u Prishtini XI Prishtinė, 1974:255-271; Also by Muhamet Tėrnava, Migrimet e popullsisė nė territorin e sotėm tė Kosovės gjatė shekujve XIV-XVI. Kosova V Prishtinė, 1978: 288-324; Shqiptarėt nė qytetet e Kosovės nė shekujt XV-XVI. Studime Historike Number 2 1979:105-145; Muhamet Tėrnava, Pėrhapja e islamizmit nė territorin e sotėm tė Kosovės deri nė fund tė shekullit tė XVII. Gjurmime Albanalogjike (Seria e Shkencave Historike) IX, 1979:45-68; Skėnder Gashi, Prania e shqiptarėve nė krahinėn e Gallapit, Moravės e tė Serbisė Jugore nė gjysmėn e parė tė shekullit XV (1411-1438) nė dritėn e materialit onomastik. Gjurmime Albanalogjike (Seria e Shkencave Filologjike) Vl Prishtinė, 1978: 103-119. Also by Skėnder Gashi, Onomastika e Kosoves. Prishtinė, 1979.
20 Skėnder Anamali, Nga Ilirėt tek Arbėrit Kuvendi i Parė i Studimeve Ilire Volume 2 Tiranė, 1974: 30-32.
21 P. Lemerle, Invasions et migrations dans les Balkans depuis la fin de lepoque romaine jusquan VIIIe siecle. Revue Historique CCXI (2) 1954.
22 Skėnder Anamali, op.cit. p. 35.
23 Eqerem Ēabej, Emri i Dardanise dhe izoglosat shqiptaro-kelte. Studime Filologjike, Number 3 Tiranė, 1973: 55-66. Eqerem Ēabej, Studime Gjuhesore volume V Prishtinė, 1977: 386-395.
24 Eqerem Ēabej, Problemi i vendit tė formimit tė gjuhės shqipe. Kuvendi i Parė i Studimeve I1ire, Volume II Tirane, 1972: 7-26.
25 Georg Stadtmüller, Forschungen zur albanischen Frühgeschichte. Wiesbaden, 1966: 141-159. See also Istorija naroda Jugoslavije, knjiga 2, Beograd, 1960: 791.
26 For a more detailed treatment of the views held by these linguists see Eqerem Ēabej, Hyrje nė historinė e gjuhės shqipe Studime Gjuhėsore, Prishtinė, 1976: 37-41; see also Eqerem Ēabej, Problemi i autoktonisė sė s
Materiale te tilla jane shume te rendesishme. Dhe rendesia e tyre rritet edhe me shume kur jane ne shqip.
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Absence Of Evidence Does Not Correlate To Evidence Of Absence... © Deny Ignorance © Autochthonox
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Mesjeta Shqiptare dhe periudha e pushtimit Osman Rilindja Kombetare Illuminati ! Kulti i syrit qe sheh cdo gje Lufta Dulces Mistere Histori e Letersise Shqiptare
Edhe une keshtu mendoj pasi ne gjuhen angleze nuk jam shum i mire dhe se kuptoj te gjith tekstin ishalla e perkthen qe ta kuptojme te gjithe..
Ne ket vazhde vazhdon edhe postimi i meposhtem, por ne te tregohet se si banoret autoktone (me kujtohen kulturat aborigjene qe shfarosen evropianet te cilet shfrytezuan mikpritjen e tyre) duhet te shfaroseshin. Cubrillovici eshte nje nga arkitektet kryesore per ealizimin e spastrimit etnik ndaj shqiptareve. Materiali i meposhtem eshte pikerisht nje deshmi e planeve monstruoze te nje prej kombeve me te felliqur e me mizore te njerzimit...Serbve
Dokumenti famėkeq nė duart e faktmbledhėsve tė OKB-sė
Memorandumi i Vaso Ēubriloviqit - dėshmia e represionit, dhunės dhe shpėrnguljes sė shqiptarėve tė Kosovės
"Duke mos kursyer as paratė as gjakun, shteti ynė mund tė krijoj njė Toplicė tė re nė Kosovė dhe Metohi". Kjo fjali ėshtė shkėputur nga memorandumi i Vaso Ēubriloviqit, tė cilin nuk ka shqiptar tė Kosovės qė nuk e njeh. Memorandumi ėshtė njė nga dokumentet mė famėkeq, i cili pėr shumė dekada ka qarkulluar disi fshehurazi. Dokumenti doli sėrish nė dritė, nė momentet kur nė Kosovė zbarkoi misioni i OKB-sė i quajtur faktmbledhėsit. E pėrditshmja "Koha Ditore" e botoi nė anglisht dokumentin e Ēubriloviqit me qėllimin e ofrimit tė fakteve, ato pėr tė cilėt erdhėn ambasadorėt. Zyra e UNMIK-ut, e cila bėn monitorimin e mediave, kishte gjykuar se nuk ishte njė dokument i vlefshėm pėr tua dhėnė ambasadorėve tė OKB-sė. Por zyrat diplomatike, tė vendosura nė Prishtinė, nuk kanė mundur tė mbyllin sytė ndaj dokumentit mbi tė cilin ishte mbėshtetur e gjithė politika diskriminuese dhe spastruese e Serbisė nė Kosovė. Ata e kanė kėrkuar dokumentin, i cili nėse do tė lexohet, edhe ambasadorėt e OKB-sė qė do tė vendosin pėr fatin e Kosovės, mbase do ti ndihmonte pėr tė kuptuar shumė mė shumė se ato ēfarė dėgjuan gjatė tri ditėve tė vizitės sė tyre. Vaso Ēubriloviqit ka lindur nė Bosnje-Hercegovinė mė 1897. Ai ishte njė student nė Sarajevė, kur Danilo Iliē e rekrutoi atė dhe shokun e tij, Cvjetko PopoviÄ, pėr ta ndihmuar tė vriste dukėn Franz Ferdinand tė Austrisė. Vėllai i tij, Veljko Ēubriloviē, gjithashtu ishte i pėrfshirė nė komplot. Tė dielėn e 28 qershorit 1914, Franz Ferdinandi dhe Sofia, dukesha e Hohenberg u vranė nga Gavrilo Princip. Princip dhe Nedeljko ĒabrinoviÄ u kapėn dhe u morėn nė pyetje nga policia. Ata si duket dhanė emrat e partnerėve tė tyre komplotistė. Vaso ĒubriloviÄ, Danilo IliÄ, Veljko ÄubriloviÄ, Cvjetko PopoviÄ dhe MiÅ”ko JovanoviÄ u arrestuan dhe u akuzuan pėr tradhti dhe vrasje. Dihet se vrasja e Dukės shėrbeu si pretekst pėr fillimin e Luftės sė Parė Botėrore. Vaso Ēubriloviē u dėnua me 16 vjet heqje lirie me ligjet perandorisė Austro-Hungareze, pasi dėnimi me vdekje nuk e kapte pėr shkak tė moshės nėn 20 vjeē, por u lirua kur aleatėt mundėn Bllokun Qendror nė nėntor tė vitit 1918. Ai punoi si mėsues nė Sarajevė, dhe mė pas shkoi nė Beograd ku u bė profesor. Pas Luftės sė Dytė Botėrore ai ishte ministėr i Jashtėm i Jugosllavisė nė qeverinė e Titos. Dr. Vaso Ēubriloviē ka qenė kėshilltar i regjimit monarkist gjatė Luftės sė Dytė Botėrore, pastaj ministėr, akademik, drejtor i Institutit tė Ballkanologjisė dhe anėtar i Lidhjes sė Komunistėve tė Jugosllavisė pas Luftės sė Dytė Botėrore. Memorandumi i tij "Dėbimi i shqiptarėve" qė iu paraqit qeverisė mbretėrore tė Stojadonoviē-it mė 7 mars 1937, ka shėrbyer dhe shėrben edhe sot e kėsaj dite si platforma kryesore pėr spastrimin etnik tė shqiptarėve tė Kosovės. Vdiq nė vitin 1990.
Nė memorandumin e tij janė pėrshkruar me detaje mėnyrat se si do tė dėboheshin shqiptarėt nga Kosova dhe se si ajo do tė kolonizohej nga serbėt. Ai e fillon memorandumin duke i konsideruar shqiptarėt njė problem tė hershėm pėr shkak se kanė zaptuar tokat pjellore tė Kosovės. "Problemi i shqiptarėve nė jetėn tonė kombėtare dhe shtetėrore nuk ėshtė ngritur dje. Ai ka luajtur njė rol madhor nė jetėn tonė nė Mesjetė, por rėndėsia e tij bėhet edhe mė vendimtare nė fund tė shekullit tė XVII-tė, nė kohėn kur masa tė popullit serb u ēvendosėn nė veri tė territoreve tė tyre stėrgjyshore tė Rashkės dhe u zėvendėsuan nga malėsorėt shqiptarė. Kėta tė fundit, gradualisht zbritėn nga malet e tyre poshtė nė fushat pjellore tė Metohisė dhe Kosovės. Duke depėrtuar nė Veri, ata u shpėrndanė nė drejtimin e Moravės sė Jugut dhe tė Perėndimit dhe, duke kaluar Malet e Sharrit, zbritėn drejt Pologut, dhe qė kėtej, nė drejtim tė Vardarit. Nė kėtė mėnyrė, aty nga shekulli i XIX, u formua njė trekėndėsh shqiptar, njė pykė me bazėn nė boshtin Dibėr-Rogozna qė u fut thellė nė territoret tona, duke arritur Nishin, dhe i ndau territoret tona tė vjetra tė Rashkės, Maqedonisė dhe Luginės sė Vardarit". Ēubriloviqi ka shpjeguar arsyet se pse shqiptarėt nuk u shpėrngulėn deri nė atė kohė, tė cilat i quan gabime e ku numėron metodat e Perėndimit pėr zgjidhjen e problemeve tė Ballkanit. "Ndėrsa tė gjithė shtetet e Ballkanit, qė nga viti 1912 i zgjidhėn ose janė nė rrugėn e zgjidhjes sė problemeve tė pakicave kombėtare me anė tė shpėrnguljeve masive, ne kemi mbetur nė metodat e ngadalshme dhe tė ngathėta tė kolonizimit gradual", shkruan Ēubriloviq, i cili thotė se shtimi natyral i popullsisė shqiptare ėshtė mė i madh se rritja totale e popullsisė serbe. Sipas tij, duke marrė parasysh karakterin e vėshtirė tė shqiptarėve, rritjen e theksuar tė numrit tė tyre dhe vėshtirėsitė gjithnjė e nė rritje tė kolonizimit me metodat e vjetra, me kalimin e kohės, ky shpėrpjesėtim do tė bėhet edhe mė i madh dhe eventualisht do ti japė fund kolonizimit serb qė nga viti 1918 e kėtej. Ai harton kėshtu planin djallėzor tė shpėrnguljeve, qė do tė vihen nė jetė nė tė gjithė shekullin e njėzetė dhe pėr kėtė sė pari duhej shkatėrruar blloku shqiptar. "Nga pikėpamja ushtarake-strategjike, blloku shqiptar zė njė nga pozicionet mė tė rėndėsishme nė vendin tonė, pikėn e nisjes, nga e cila lumenjtė e Ballkanit rrjedhin nė Detin Adriatik, Detin e Zi dhe Detin Egje". Fakti se shqiptarėt e Kosovės do tė mbrohen nga kombi i tyre, qė e cilėson e "njėjta racė", e shqetėson Ēubriloviqit
Shqipėria nė mbrojtje tė Kosovės
"Shqiptarėt nuk mund tė dėbohen vetėm me anėn e kolonizimit gradual. Ata janė i vetmi popull, i cili gjatė mijėvjeēarit tė fundit, mundi jo vetėm ti rezistojė bėrthamės sė shtetit tonė, Rashkėsh dhe Zetės, por edhe tė na dėmtojė, duke i shtyrė kufijtė tanė etnikė mė nė Veri dhe mė nė Lindje. Ndėrsa nė mijėvjeēarin e fundit, kufijtė tanė u zhvendosėn nė Suboticė nė Veri, dhe Kupė nė Veriperėndim, shqiptarėt na dėbuan nga Shkodra dhe krahina e saj, ish-kryeqyteti i Bodinit, nga Metohia dhe Kosova. E vetmja mėnyrė dhe tė vetmet mjete pėr tė qėruar hesapet me ta ėshtė forca brutale e njė shteti tė organizuar. Ne nuk kemi pasur sukses nė drejtim tė asimilimit tė shqiptarėve nė favorin tonė. E kundėrta, pėr shkak se ata mbėshteten te Shqipėria, vigjilenca e tyre kombėtare ėshtė zgjuar dhe nė qoftė se ne nuk i lajmė hesapet me ta nė kohėn e duhur, brenda 20-30 vjetėve, ne do tė pėrballemi me njė irredentizėm tė tmerrshėm, shenjat e tė cilit janė tashmė tė dukshme dhe ato nė mėnyrė tė pashmangshme do tė vėnė nė rrezik tė gjitha territoret tona tė jugut.
Pazar me Tiranėn
"Nė kohėn kur Gjermania mund tė dėbojė dhjetėra mijė hebrenj dhe Rusia mund tė shpėrngulė miliona njerėz nga njė pjesė e kontinentit nė tjetrėn, shpėrngulja e disa qindra mijė shqiptarėve nuk do tė shpjerė nė shpėrthimin e Luftės Botėrore", shkruan Ēubriloviq. Dy ishin vendet tė cilat Ēubriloviqi synonte tė dėbonte shqiptarėt - Turqia dhe Shqipėria. "Me popullsinė e saj tė rrallė, me moēalet e padrenazhuara dhe luginat e pakultivuara gjatė lumenjve, Shqipėria do tė jetė nė gjendje tė pranojė disa qindra mijė shqiptarė nga vendi ynė", shkruan ai duke sugjeruar qė Serbia tė shfrytėzojė tė gjitha mjetet pėr tė bindur Tiranėn pėr tė pranuar disa nga kėta njerėz tė zhvendosur. "Unė besoj se kjo do hasė vėshtirėsi nė Tiranė, pėr shkak se Italia do tė pėrpiqet ta pengojė kėtė proces. Por paratė luajnė njė rol tė madh nė Tiranė. Nė bisedimet lidhur me kėtė ēėshtje, qeveria shqiptare do tė informohet se ne nuk do tė ndalemi para asgjėje pėr tė arritur zgjidhjen finale tė kėsaj ēėshtjeje. Eventualisht, nė mėnyrė sekrete, zyrtarė tė lartė nė Tiranė mund tė binden se do tė kenė pėrfitime materiale nė rast se nuk do ta kundėrshtojnė kėtė pazarllėk".
200 mijė shqiptarė shpėrngulen nė Turqi
Sa pėr Turqinė, ajo kishte rėnė dakord qė tė pranonte 200 mijė persona me kushtin e Serbisė qė ata tė ishin shqiptarė tė Kosovės. Ai sugjeronte qė Turqia tė paguhej pėr kėtė shėrbim, tė organizohej transporti sa mė parė tė ishte e mundur. Sipas tij, duhej qė tė pėrgatiteshin edhe shqiptarėt e tjerė, pasi tė ikte kontingjenti i parė, tė shkruanin gazetat pėr jetėn pėrrallore tė shqiptarėve tė zhvendosur nė Turqi, nėpėr fushat e bukura qė iu ishin dhuruar, tė mundėsohej njė transport sa mė i lehtė dhe pa probleme. Nga ana tjetėr tė mos kursehej joshja, presioni dhe dhuna pėr ti shpėrngulur edhe tė tjerėt. "Njė mjet tjetėr do tė jetė shtrėngimi i ushtruar nga aparati shtetėror. Ligji duhet zbatuar deri nė njė pėr ta bėrė qėndrimin e shqiptarėve tė padurueshėm: gjobat, burgosjet, zbatimi i egėr i urdhėresave tė policisė, si ndalimi i kontrabandės, prerja e pyjeve, dėmtimi i bujqėsisė, lėnia e qenve zgjidhur, puna angari dhe mjete tė tjera qė mund tė pėrdorė njė forcė policore me pėrvojė. Nga pikėpamja ekonomike: mospranimi pėr tė njohur tapitė e vjetra tė tokės, puna me regjistrimin e tokės qė duhet tė pėrfshijė menjėherė vjeljen e pamėshirshme tė taksave dhe shlyerjen e tė gjitha borxheve private dhe publike, rekuizimi i tė gjitha kullotave shtetėrore apo komunale, shfuqizimi i koncesioneve, heqja e lejeve pėr ushtrimin e profesionit, pushimi nga puna nė zyrat shtetėrore, private apo komunale etj., do tė shpejtojnė procesin e shpėrnguljes sė tyre. Masat nė fushėn e shėndetėsisė: zbatimi me dhunė i tė gjitha dispozitave madje edhe brenda shtėpive, duke rrėzuar tė gjitha muret dhe gardhiqet rrethuese, zbatimi me rreptėsi i masave veterinare, qė do tė rezultojnė nė ndalimin e shitjes sė bagėtive nė treg, gjithashtu do tė aplikohen nė njė mėnyrė efektive dhe praktike. Kur vjen puna tek feja, shqiptarėt janė shumė tė prekshėm, prandaj ata mund tė ngacmohen nė kėtė drejtim gjithashtu. Kjo mund tė arrihet me njė keqtrajtim tė klerikėve tė tyre, shkatėrrimin e varrezave, ndalimin e poligamisė, dhe sidomos zbatimin e rreptė tė ligjit qė detyron vajzat tė ndjekin shkollėn fillore kudo qė janė". Deri nė vitet 60, periudha e Rankoviqit, tė gjitha kėto qė Ēubriloviq i pėrshkruan me hollėsi nė vitin 1937, kanė ndodhur kundėr shqiptarėve tė Kosovės
Kolonizimi serb i Kosovės
Plani famėkeq jep hollėsi se si pas shpėrnguljes tokat shqiptare duhej tė zėvendėsoheshin me kolonė serbė, ashtu sikurse kishin bėrė me sukses nė Toplicė. Malazezėt ishin tė parėt kolonė qė duhej tė vendoseshin nė rrafshin e Dukagjinit."Nė veēanti, do tė organizohet njė vėrshim i malazezėve nga kullotat malore pėr tė krijuar njė konflikt nė shkallė tė gjerė me shqiptarėt nė Metohi. Ky konflikt do tė pėrgatitet me anėn e njerėzve tanė tė besuar. Ai do tė inkurajohet dhe kjo mund tė bėhet mė lehtė nė kohėn qė shqiptarėt do tė jenė revoltuar vėrtetė, atėherė e gjithė grindja do tė paraqitet si njė konflikt midis klaneve dhe do tė shpjegohet me arsye ekonomike po tė jetė nevoja. Mė nė fund, mund tė sugjerohen rebelime lokale. Ato do tė shtypen me gjak me anė tė klaneve dhe tė ēetnikėve mė tepėr se sa me anė tė ushtrisė. Mbetet akoma njė mjet, tė cilin Serbia e ka pėrdorur me njė efekt tė madh pas vitit 1878, dhe kjo ėshtė djegia fshehurazi e fshatrave dhe lagjeve shqiptare nėpėr qytete".
Harta e kolonizimit
Mė pas vinin serbėt nga rajone tė ndryshme tė Serbisė, sipas karakteristikave tė vendeve. Kolonėt duhej tė mbėshteteshin financiarisht nė Kosovė, tu jepej toka, e cila smund tė bėhej e tyre nėse nuk do tė tregoheshin tė devotshėm, nuk do tė paguanin taksa etj. Ēubriloviqi i kishte bashkangjitur dokumentit edhe njė hartė me rajonet qė duhet tė pastroheshin. Ato ishin Dibra e Epėrme, Pologu i Poshtėm, Pologu i Epėrm, Malet e Sharrit, Drenica, Peja, Istogu, Vuēiterni, Stavica, Llapi, Graēanica, Nerodimja, Dalovia, Podgori, Gora, Podrimja, Gjilani dhe Kaēaniku. Midis kėtyre rajoneve, qė pėrbėjnė tė gjithė bashkė pykėn shqiptare, mė tė rėndėsishmit pėr ne tani janė: Peja, Gjakovica, Podrimja, Gora, Podgori, Sharri, Istogu dhe Drenica nė Veri tė Maleve tė Sharrit, sikundėr dhe Dibra e Epėrme dhe dy Pologėt nė Jug dhe Malet e Sharrit. "Kėto janė zona kufitare qė duhet tė pastrohen nga shqiptarėt me ēdo ēmim. Rajonet e brendshme si Kaēaniku, Gjilani, Nerodimja, Graēanica, Llapi, Vuēiterna etj., mundėsisht duhet tė dobėsohen, sidomos rajonet e Kaēanikut dhe tė Llapit, ndėrsa tė tjerėt duhet tė kolonizohen gradualisht dhe sistematikisht nė njė periudhė prej dhjetėra vjetėsh. "Ēubroloviq pėr realizimin e shpėrnguljes dhe kolonizimit propozon krijimin e njė institucioni tė posaēėm "Zyrėn e Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit", qė do tė kryesohej nga Inspektori i Pėrgjithshėm i caktuar me dekret me propozimin e ministrit tė Luftės, Shefit tė Shtabit tė Pėrgjithshėm dhe Kryeministrit. Ēubriloviq thotė se aparati policor do tė luajė njė rol tė rėndėsishėm nė kėtė ēėshtje, prandaj ėshtė e domosdoshme tė zgjidhen oficerėt mė energjikė dhe mė tė ndershėm dhe tė dėrgohen nė Kosovė. Dokumenti merret edhe me mjete financiare, pra sa do tė kushtojė shpėrngulja e shqiptarėve tė Kosovės dhe sa ajo e vendosjes sė kolonėve serbė. Ky ėshtė njė dokument shumė i vlefshėm pėr tė kuptuar mė mirė historinė e pėrgjakshme tė Kosovės sė shekullit tė njėzetė.
shkrimi i mesiperm eshte botuar ne gazetn shqip dt. 2/07/2007
(Dokumenti kriminal bazė mbi spastrimin etnik tė shqiptarėve)
"DĖBIMI I SHQIPTARĖVE"
(Dr. Vaso Ēubriloviē ka qenė kėshilltar i regjimit monarkist gjatė Luftės sė Dytė Botėrore, pastaj ministėr, akademik, drejtor i Institutit tė Ballkanologjisė dhe anėtar i Lidhjes sė Komunistėve tė Jugosllavisė pas Luftės sė Dytė Botėrore.
Memorandumi i tij "Dėbimi i shqiptarėve" qė iu paraqit qeverisė mbretėrore tė Stojadonoviē-it mė 7 mars 1937, ka shėrbyer dhe shėrben edhe sot e kėsaj dite si platforma kryesore pėr spastrimin etnik tė shqiptarėve nė Kosovė.)
Problemi i shqiptarėve nė jetėn tonė kombėtare dhe shtetėrore nuk ėshtė ngritur dje. Ai ka luajtur njė rol madhor nė jetėn tonė nė Mesjetė, por rėndėsia e tij bėhet edhe mė vendimtare nė fund tė shkullit tė XVII-tė, nė kohėn kur masa tė popullit serb u ēvendosėn nė veri tė territoreve tė tyre stėrgjyshore tė Rashkės dhe u zėvendėsuan nga malėsorėt shqiptarė. Kėta tė fundit gradualisht zbritėn nga malet e tyre poshtė nė fushat pjellore tė Metohisė dhe Kosovės. Duke depėrtuar nė veri, ata u shpėrndanė nė drejtimin e Moravės sė jugut dhe tė perėndimit dhe, duke kaluar Malet e Sharrit, zbritėn drejt Pologut dhe, qė kėtej, nė drejtim tė Vardarit. Nė kėtė mėnyrė, aty nga shekulli i XIX-tė, u formua njė trekėndėsh shqiptar, njė pykė me bazėn nė boshtin Dibėr-Rogozna qė u fut thellė nė territoret tona, duke arritur Nishin, dhe i ndau territoret tona tė vjetra tė Rashkės, Maqedonisė dhe Luginės sė Vardarit.
Kjo pykė shqiptare e banuar nga elementėt anarkistė shqiptarė pengonte ēdo lidhje tė fortė kulturore, arsimore dhe ekonomike midis territoreve tona veriore dhe jugore nė shkullin e XIX-tė. Kjo ka qenė arsyeja kryesore pse Serbia ka qenė e pastabilizuar, deri nė vitin 1878, kur ajo mundi tė vendoste dhe tė mbante lidhje tė vazhdueshme me Maqedoninė pėrmes Vranjės dhe Malit tė Zi tė Shkupit, tė ushtronte influencėn kulturore dhe politike nė Luginėn e Vardarit. Kjo gjė pritej tė ndodhte pėr shkak tė lidhjeve tė favorshme gjeografike dhe rrugore dhe traditave historike nė kėto zona. Megjithėse bullgarėt e kanė filluar jetėn e tyre shtetėrore mė vonė se serbėt, nė fillim ata patėn sukses mė tė madh. Kjo shpjegon pėrse ka ngulime tė pėrhershme sllavėsh tė jugut nga Vidini nė veri deri nė Ohėr nė jug. Serbia filloi tė kėpuste copa tė kėsaj pyke shqiptare qė gjatė rebelimit tė parė, duke dėbuar banorėt shqiptarėt qė ishin mė nė veri nga Jagodina.
Falė koncepteve tė gjera shtetėrore tė Jovan Ristiēit, Serbia kėputi njė copė tjetėr tė kėsaj pyke pas aneksimit tė Toplicės dhe Kosanicės. Nė kėtė kohė, rajonet midis Jastrebacit dhe Moravės jugore qenė spastruar nė mėnyrė radikale nga tė gjithė shqiptarėt.
Nga viti 1918 e kėtej ka qenė detyra e shtetit tonė tė tanishėm tė shkatėrrojė mbeturinat e kėtij trekėndėshi shqiptar. Ai nuk e bėri kėtė gjė. Ka disa arsye pėr kėtė, por ne do tė pėrmendim vetėm mė tė rėndėsishmet prej tyre:
1. Gabimi kryesor i autoriteteve nė fuqi nė atė kohė ėshtė se, duke harruar se ku ndodheshin, ata deshėn ti zgjidhnin tė gjitha problemet madhore etnike tė Ballkanit tė turbulluar dhe tė gjakosur me metodat Perėndimore. Turqia solli nė Ballkan zakonet e Sheriatit, sipas tė cilave, fitorja nė luftė dhe pushtimi i njė vendi tė jep tė drejtėn e jetės dhe tė pronės mbi subjektet qė e banojnė. Bile edhe tė krishterėt e Ballkanit mėsuan nga turqit se jo vetėm pushteti dhe sundimi shtetėror, por edhe shtėpijat e pronat janė tė fituara apo tė humbura si shpėrblim. Koncepti i raporteve tė pronėsisė private mbi tokėn nė Ballkan u zbut nė njė farė shkalle nėpėrmjet ligjeve, urdhėresave dhe marrėveshjeve tė tjera ndėrkombėtare tė lėshuara nėn presionin e Evropės, por ky koncept ka qenė nė njė farė shkalle leva kryesore e shtetit turk dhe e shteteve tė Ballkanit deri nė ditėn e sotme. Nuk kemi nevojė t'i referohemi njė tė kaluare tė largėt. Ne do tė pėrmendim vetėm disa raste tė kohėve tė fundit, shpėrnguljen e grekėve nga Azia e Vogėl nė Greqi dhe tė turqve nga Rumania nė Turqi. Ndėrsa tė gjithė shtetet e Ballkanit qė nga viti 1912 i zgjidhėn ose janė nė rrugėn e zgjidhjes sė problemeve tė pakicave kombėtare me anė tė shpėrnguljeve masive, ne kemi mbetur nė metodat e ngadalėshme dhe tė ngathta tė kolonizimit gradual. Rezultatet e kėsaj kanė qenė negative. Qė kjo ėshtė kėshtu e tregojnė mė sė miri statistikat nga 18 distriktet qė pėrfshijnė trekėndėshin shqiptar. Nga kėto shifra del se nė kėto krahina shtimi natyral i popullsisė shqiptare ėshtė mė i madh se rritja totale e popullsisė sonė nga shtimi natyral plus banorėt e rinj (nga 1921 deri mė 1931 popullsia shqiptare u rrit 68.060, ndėrsa ajo serbe tregon njė rritje prej 58.745, njė diferencė prej 9.315 vetėsh nė dobi tė shqiptarėve). Duke marrė parasysh karakterin e vėshtirė tė shqiptarėve, rritjen e theksuar tė numrit tė tyre dhe vėshtirėsitė gjithnjė nė rritje tė kolonizimit me metodat e vjetra, me kalimin e kohės ky ēpėrpjestim do tė bėhet edhe mė i madh dhe eventualisht do t'i japė fund kolonizimit tonė qė nga viti 1918 e kėtej.
2. Bile edhe metoda e kolonizimit gradual nuk u aplikua si duhet. Akoma mė keq, nė njė problem kaq tė rėndėsishėm, nuk ka pasur njė plan tė pėrcaktuar shtetėror, nė tė cilin do tė aderonte dhe tė cilin do ta aplikonte ēdo qeveri dhe regjim. Puna ėshtė bėrė me ndėrprerje, me hope, ēdo ministėr i ri ēbėnte atė qė kishte bėrė parardhėsi, ndėrkohė qė vetė nuk krijonte asgjė tė qendrueshme. Qenė shpallur ligje dhe rregullore, por edhe ashtu tė dobėta, siē ishin ato nuk zbatoheshin. Disa persona, sidomos deputetė nga krahina tė tjera, kur nuk arrinin tė siguronin mandatin nė krahinėn e tyre, shkonin nė jug dhe merrnin me tė mirė elementėt jo nacionalė pėr tė siguruar mandatin, duke sakrifikuar nė kėtė mėnyrė interesat kombėtare dhe shtetėrore. Aparati i kolonizimit ishte jashtėzakonisht i kushtueshėm, i fryrė dhe i ngarkuar me njerėz qė ishin jo vetėm inkompetentė, por shpesh ishin pa skrupull, kėshtu qė veprimtaria e tyre pėrbėn vėrtet njė problem tė veēantė. Mė nė fund, mjafton tė mbledhim shumat e mėdha qė ka investuar shteti pėr kolonizimin dhe ta pjesėtojmė rezultatin me numrin e familjeve tė vendosura, pėr tė provuar se sa e kushtueshme ka qenė vendosja e njė familjeje tė re qė kur ka mbaruar lufta, pa marrė parasysh nėse kėto shpenzime janė bėrė nga kolonėt vetė apo nga shteti. Po ashtu, do tė jetė interesante tė krahasojmė shumat e paguara pėr shpenzimet personale dhe ato pėr materialet e pėrdorura nga kolonizimi ynė. Serbia ndaj kėtij problemi ka patur qėndrime krejt tė ndryshme nė tė kaluarėn. Karageorge gjatė kryengritjes sė parė, sikundėr Milloshi, Mihajllo dhe Jovan Ristiē nuk kanė patur njė ministri tė veēantė pėr reformėn e tokės, inspektorė tė pėrgjithshėm tė tokės ose ndonjė aparat tė kushtueshėm.
3. Madje edhe ato pak mijė familje qė u vendosėn pas luftės nuk u ngulėn aty ku ishin vendosur. Ka patur mė shumė sukses nė Kosovė, sidomos nė Luginėn e Llapit, ku Toplicanėt hynė nga veriu nė jug. duke u marrė vesh vetė midis tyre. Ngulimet tona mė tė vjetra dhe mė tė qėndrueshme, me elementė nga krahinat tona tė ndryshme, u vendosėn pikėrisht atje. Nė Drenicė dhe Metohi ne nuk patėm sukses. Kolonizimi nuk duhej tė ishte bėrė kurrė vetėm me malazezėt. Nuk mendojmė se ata janė tė pėrshtatshėm si kolonė pėr shkak tė plogėshtisė sė tyre baritore. Kjo mund tė thuhet vetėm pėr gjeneratėn e parė. Gjenerata e dytė ėshtė krejt tjetėr, mė aktive dhe mė praktike. Fshati Petrovo nė Miroc, sipėr Danubit, fshati mė i avancuar nė Krahinė, ėshtė i banuar pa pėrjashtim me malazez. Sot nė Serbi ka mijėra biznese tė pėrparuara, sidomos nė Toplicė dhe Kosanicė, qė kanė qenė krijuar nga malazezėt, tė cilėt janė pėrzier me elementė mė tė pėrparuar. Kjo vlen sidomos pėr Metohinė, ku zakonet e vjetra, duke qenė tė bazuara direkt nė origjinėn e tyre stėrgjyshore, kanė mundur tė mbijetojnė. Njė vizitė nė kafenetė e Pejės ėshtė e mjaftueshme pėr tė bindur ēdo njeri pėr kėtė. Kjo ėshtė arsyeja pėrse kolonizimi ka patur kaq pak sukses nė tė gjithė Metohinė. Duhet pranuar, nga ana tjetėr, se kėto koloni ishin vendosur shumė keq, nė njė tokė jopjellore, tė mbuluar me shkurre, dhe mbi tė gjitha pa asnjė agregat tė domosdoshėm bujqėsor. Kėtyre kolonive u duhej dhėnė mė shumė ndihmė se tė tjerave pėr shkak se ishin tė pėrbėra nga elementi mė i varfėr malazez.
4. Padyshim, shkaku kryesor qė kolonizimi ynė pati pak sukses nė kėto rajone ėshtė fakti se tokat mė tė mira mbetėn nė duart e shqiptarėve. E vetmja rrugė e mundshme pėr kolonizimin tonė masiv tė kėtyre rajoneve ėshtė t'u marrim tokėn shqiptarėve. Pas luftės, nė kohėn e rebelimit dhe tė veprimtarisė sė kryengritėsve, kjo do tė mund tė arrihej lehtė duke dėbuar njė pjesė tė popullsisė shqiptare nė Shqipėri, duke mos legalizuar uzurpimin e tyre dhe duke blerė kullotat e tyre. Kėtu ne duhet tė kthehemi pėrsėri tek gabimi i madh i konceptit tonė tė pasluftės lidhur me tė drejtėn e posedimit tė tokės. Nė vend qė tė pėrfitonim nga koncepti i vetė shqiptarėve lidhur me pronėsinė e tokės qė ata kishin uzurpuar (vėshtirė qė ndonjėri prej tyre tė ketė pasur tapi tė dhėna nga turqit, pėrveē pėr tokat e blera, pėr tė keqen e shtetit dhe kombit tonė), ne jo vetėm i legalizuam tė gjitha kėto uzurpime, por ē'ėshtė mė e keqja i mėsuam shqiptarėt me idetė evropiano-perėndimore lidhur me pronėsinė private. Mė pėrpara ata as qė mund tė kishin ide tė tilla. Nė kėtė mėnyrė, ne u dhamė vetė atyre njė armė pėr tė mbrojtur veten, pėr tė mbajtur tokat mė tė mira pėr veten dhe pėr ta bėrė tė pamundshėm nacionalizimin e njė prej rajoneve mė tė rėndėsishme pėr ne .
Nga e gjithė kjo del se metodat e politikės sonė tė kolonizimit nė jug deri nė ditėn e sotme nuk kanė dhėnė rezultatet qė ne do tė duhej tė kishin arritur dhe tė cilat po na imponohen vetiu si domosdoshmėria mė e madhe shtetėrore.
Kolonizimi i krahinave tė jugut
Duke lexuar pjesėn e parė tė kėtij dokumenti, mund tė vėreshė menjėherė se duke shqyrtuar problemin e kolonizimit tė rajoneve jugore, problemi prek kryesisht rajonet nė veri dhe nė jug tė Maleve tė Sharrit. Kjo nuk ėshtė e rastit. Ky bllok shqiptarėsh rreth Maleve tė Sharrit ka njė rėndėsi tė madhe kombėtare, shtetėrore dhe strategjike pėr shtetin tonė. Ne tashmė e kemi pėrmendur mėnyrėn se si ai u krijua dhe rėndėsinė e kėtij rajoni pėr lidhjen e rajoneve pėrrreth Luginės sė Vardarit nė mė mėnyrė tė qėndrueshme me territoret tona tė vjetra. Forca mė e madhe e ekspansionit serb qė nė fillimet e shtetit tė parė serb nė shekullin e IX-tė ka qenė bazuar gjithmonė ne vazhdimėsinė e kėtij ekspansioni, sikundėr dhe nė zgjerimin e territoreve tė vjetra tė Rashkės nė tė gjitha drejtimet, duke pėrfshirė kėtu edhe zgjerimin e tyre nė drejtim tė jugut. Kjo vazhdimėsi ėshtė ndėrprerė nga shqiptarėt dhe deri sa lidhja e vjetėr e pandėrprerė e Serbisė dhe e Malit tė Zi me Maqedoninė gjatė tė gjithė shitrirjes sė saj nga Lumi Drin deri nė Moravėn e Jugut nuk do tė jetė rivendosur, ne nuk do tė jemi tė sigurtė pėr posedimin e kėtij territori. Nga pikėpamja etnike maqedonasit do tė bashkohen plotėsisht me ne vetėm kur ata do tė kenė mbėshtetjen e vėrtetė etnike nga ana e atdheut serb, e cila u ka munguar deri nė ditėt e sotme. Ata do ta arrijnė kėtė vetėm nėpėrmjet shkatėrrimit tė bllokut shqiptar.
Nga pikėpamja ushtarake-strategjike, blloku shqiptar zė njė nga pozicionet mė tė rėndėsishme nė vendin tonė, pikėn nisėse nga e cila lumenjtė e Ballkanit rrjedhin nė Detin Adriatik, Detin e Zi dhe Detin Egje. Nga fakti se kush e ka kėtė pozicion strategjik pėrcaktohet nė njė shkallė tė gjerė fati i Ballkanit qendror, sidomos fati i vijės kryesore ballkanike tė komunikacionit nga Morava nė Vardar. Nuk ėshtė e rastit qė shumė beteja me rėndėsi vendimtare pėr fatin e Ballkanit (e Nemanjės kundėr grekėve, e serbėve kundėr turqve nė vitin 1389, e Huniadit kundėr turqve nė vitin 1446) janė zhvilluar kėtu. Nė shekullin e XX-tė, vetėm njė vend qė banohet nga njerėzit e tij mund tė mos ketė frikė pėr sigurimin e tij. Prandaj ėshtė detyrė imperative e ne tė gjithėve qė tė mos lejojmė qė kėto pozita me njė rėndėsi kaq tė madhe strategjike tė jenė nė duar armiqėsore apo tė elementit tė huaj. Aq mė tepėr qė njė element i tillė ka pėrkrahjen e njė shteti kombėtar tė tė njėjtės racė. Elementi ynė qė do dhe ėshtė nė gjendje tė mbrojė tokėn e tij, shtetin e tij, ėshtė mjeti mė i sigurtė kundėr kėtij penetrimi.
Pėrveē kėtij blloku me 18 distrikte, shqiptarėt dhe pakicat e tjera kombėtare nė pjesėt e tjera tė rajoneve jugore janė tė shpėrndarė dhe si rrjedhim nuk janė aq tė rrezikshėm pėr jetėn tonė kombėtare dhe shtetėrore. Tė nacionalizosh rajonet pėrreth Maleve tė Sharrit do tė thotė tė varrosėsh pėrgjithmonė ēdo irredentizėm, tė sigurosh pėrgjithmonė pushtetin tonė mbi kėto territore.
Kolonizimi nga veriu do tė reduktohet nė rajonet e banuara nga maqedonėt. Nė kėto rajone toka ėshtė e pakėt, kėto janė rajone tė qeta dhe, pėr kėtė arsye, maqedonasit i bėjnė rezistencė fluksit tė kolonėve nga veriu, aq mė tepėr qė nė kėto veprime ata shohin njė mosbesim nga ana jonė kundrejt tyre. E vėrteta ėshtė se kjo shkallė e vogėl kolonizimi na bėn mė tepėr keq se sa mirė. Nė rast se do tė dėrgohen njerėz nė jug tė Maleve tė Sharrit tė Shkupit, kėta njerėz do tė jenė nga Vranja, Leskovci, qė janė mė afėr maqedonasve pėr nga mentaliteti dhe kultura, dhe patjetėr njerėz nga rajoni Dinarik me temperamentin e tyre tė irritueshėm, tė pakontrolluar, sepse njerėz tė tillė nxisin urrejtjen midis popullsisė vendase. E pėrsėrisim se ky problem do tė zgjidhet vetėm kur kolonitė tona, duke avancuar nga veriu, pėrmes Kosovės dhe Metohisė, drejt Maleve tė Sharrit, Pologut, do tė takohen me ngulimet maqedonase.
Problemi i Sanxhakut tė Novi Pazarit ėshtė duke u zgjidhur vetiu dhe nuk luan mė nė jetėn tonė shtetėrore rolin qė ka luajtur deri nė vitin 1912. Ne do tė kujtojmė vetėm se me shpėrnguljen e shqiptarėve ėshtė prerė lidhja e fundit midis muslimanėve tanė nė Bosnje e Novi Pazar dhe pjesės tjetėr tė botės muslimane. Ato janė duke u bėrė pakica fetare, e vetmja pakicė muslimane nė Ballkan, dhe ky fakt do tė pėrshpejtojė nacionalizimin e tyre.
Para pak kohėsh Mali i Zi ėshtė bėrė njė problem mjaft i rėndė. Njė tokė e varfėr nuk mund tė mbajė njė popullsi qė ėshtė rritur 16 pėrqind nga viti 1912 deri nė vitin 1931. Gjatė shekujve, ky element turbullues dhe baritor ka kontribuar me karakteristika esenciale nė racėn tonė. I kanalizuar nė drejtimin e duhur, energjitė e tij nuk do tė jenė shkatėrrimtare, por do tė shfrytėzohen pėr tė mirėn e pėrgjithshme tė shtetit nė qoftė se ai do tė drejtohet nga juglindja.
Shqiptarėt nuk mund tė dėbohen vetėm me anėn e kolonizimit gradual. Ata janė i vetmi popull, i cili gjatė mijėvjeēarit tė fundit mundi jo vetėm t'i rezistojė bėrthamės sė shtetit tonė, Rashkėsh dhe Zetės, por edhe tė na dėmtojė, duke i shtyrė kufijtė tanė etnikė mė nė veri dhe mė nė lindje. Pėrderisa nė mijėvjeēarin e fundit kufijtė tanė u ēvendosėn nė Suboticė nė veri dhe Kupė nė veriperėndim, shqiptarėt na dėbuan nga Shkodra dhe krahina e saj, ish kryeqyteti i Bodinit, nga Metohia dhe Kosova. E vetmja mėnyrė dhe tė vetmet mjete pėr tė qėruar hesapet me ta ėshtė forca brutale e njė shteti tė organizuar. Ne nuk kemi patur sukses nė drejtim tė asmilimit tė shqiptarėve nė favorin tonė. E kundėrta, pėr shkak se ata mbėshteten tek Shqipėria, vigjilenca e tye kombėtare ėshtė zgjuar dhe nė qoftė se ne nuk i lajmė hesapet me ta nė kohėn e duhur, brenda 20 30 vjetėve ne do tė pėrballemi me njė irredentizėm tė tmerrshėm, shenjat e tė cilit janė tashmė tė dukshme dhe ato nė mėnyrė tė paevitueshme do tė vėnė nė rrezik tė gjitha territoret tona tė jugut.
Problemi ndėrkombėtar i kolonizimit
Nė qoftė se nisemi nga hipoteza se shpėrngulja graduale e shqiptarėve nėpėrmjet kolonizimit tonė graduial ėshtė jo efektive, atėherė ne na ėshtė lėnė vetėm njė rrugė, ajo e shpėrnguljes sė tyre nė masė. Nė kėtė rast, ne duhet tė marrim nė konsideratė dy shtete, Shqipėrinė dhe Turqinė.
Me popullsinė e saj tė rrallė, me moēalet e padrenazhuara dhe luginat e pakultivuara gjatė lumenjėve, Shqipėria do tė jetė nė gjendje tė pranojė disa qindra mijė shqiptarė nga vendi ynė. Me territoret e saj tė gjera dhe tė pabanuara dhe tokat e papunuara nė Azinė e Vogėl dhe Jurdistan, Turqia moderne ka mundėsi tė pakufizuara pėr njė kolonizim tė brendshėm. Megjithatė, pavarėsisht nga pėrpjekjet e Kemal Ataturkut, turqit nuk e kanė mbushur akoma vakuumin e krijuar si rezultat i shpėrnguljes sė grekėve nga Azia e Vogėl nė Greqi dhe tė disa prej kurdėve nė Persi. Qė kėtej del se mundėsia mė e madhe ėshtė qė pjesa mė e madhe e shqiptarėve tė shpėrngulur tė dėrgohet atje.
Sė pari, ne theksojmė se nuk do ta kufizojmė veten vetėm nė hapat diplomatikė me qeverinė e Ankarasė, por do tė shfrytėzojmė tė gjitha mjetet pėr tė bindur Tiranėn pėr tė pranuar disa nga kėta njerėz tė ēvendosur. Unė besoj se kjo do hasė vėshtirėsi nė Tiranė, pėr shkak se Italia do tė pėrpiqet ta pengojė kėtė proces. Por paratė luajnė njė rol tė madh nė Tiranė. Nė bisedimet lidhur me kėtė ēėshtje, qeveria shqiptare do tė informohet se ne nuk do tė ndalemi para asgjėje pėr tė arritur zgjidhjen finale tė kėsaj ēėshtjeje. Eventualisht, nė mėnyrė sekrete zyrtarė tė lartė nė Tiranė mund tė binden se do tė kenė pėrfitime materiale nė rast se nuk do ta kundėrshtojnė kėtė pazarllėk.
Sikundėr kemi dėgjuar, Turqia ka rėnė dakord tė pranojė fillimisht afro 200.000 persona tė shpėrngulur prej nesh, me kusht qė ata tė jenė shqiptarė, gjė qė ėshtė shumė e favorshme pėr ne. Ne duhet tė konformohemi me kėtė dėshirė tė Turqisė menjėherė dhe tė nėnshkruajmė njė marrėveshje pėr shpėrnguljen e popullsisė shqiptare sa mė shpejt qė tė jetė e mundur. Lidhur me shpėrnguljen e popullsisė shqiptare ne duhet tė studjojmė konventat qė Turqia ka nėnshkruar kohėt e fundit lidhur me kėtė ēėshtje me Greqinė, Rumaninė dhe Bullgarinė, duke i kushtuar vėmendje dy gjėrave: se Turqia do tė pranojė mundėsisht kontigjentin mė tė madh, ndėrsa nga pikėpamja e aspektit financiar do t'i jepet ndihma maksimale, sidomos nė fushėn e organizimit tė transportimit tė tyre sa mė shpejt qė tė jetė e mundur. Nuk ka dyshim se ky problem do tė ngjallė njė farė shqetėsimi ndėrkombėtar, qė ėshtė i paevitueshėm nė raste tė tilla. Nė njėqind vjetėt e fundit, sa herė qė tė ėshtė ndėrmarrė ndonjė veprim i tillė nė Ballkan, gjithnjė ka pasur disa fuqi qė kanė protestuar pėr shkak se veprime tė tilla nuk pėrputhen me interesat e tyre. Nė rastin e dhėnė, Shqipėria dhe Italia do tė bėjnė ndonjė protestė. Pėr sa i pėrket Shqipėrisė, e kemi theksuar edhe mė lart se duhen bėrė pėrpjekje pėr tė nėnshkruar me tė njė konventė lidhur me kėtė problem dhe nėse nuk e arrijmė dot kėtė, ne do tė bėjmė qė ajo tė heshtė lidhur me shpėrnguljen e shqiptarėve nė Turqi. E pėrsėrisim se njė aksion i kryer me mjeshtėri dhe paratė e pėrdorura si duhet nė Tiranė do tė jenė vendimtarė nė kėtė problem. Opinioni botėror, sidomos ai i financuar nga Italia, do tė zemėrohet pak. Megjithatė, bota sot ėshtė mėsuar me gjėra qė janė shumė mė tė kėqia se kjo dhe ėshtė e zėnė kaq shumė me problemet e pėrditshme sa qė ky aspekt i problemit nuk do tė jetė shkas pėr shqetėsime. Nė kohėn kur Gjermania mund tė dėbojė dhjetėra mijė ebrejė dhe Rusia mund tė shpėrngulė miliona njerėz nga njė pjesė e kontinentit nė tjetrėn, shpėrngulja e disa qindra mijė shqiptarėve nuk do tė shpjerė nė shpėrthimin e luftės botėrore. Por ata qė do tė vendosin duhet ta dinė se ēfarė duan dhe tė kėmbėngulin pėr arritjen e qėllimit, pavarėsisht nga pengesat e mundshme ndėrkombėtare.
Italia padyshim do tė nxjerrė mė shumė vėshtirėsi, por nė momentin e dhėnė ajo ėshtė jashtėzakonisht e zėnė me problemet e veta lidhur me Abisininė dhe Austrinė dhe nuk do tė guxojė tė shkojė shumė larg nė kundėrshtimin e saj. Tė them tė vėrtetėn, rreziku kryesor qėndron nė mundėsinė se aleatėt tanė tė mėdhenjė, Franca dhe Britania, mund tė ndėrhyjnė. Atyre mund t'u jepet njė pėrgjigje e ftohtė dhe e vendosur se sigurimi i vijės Moravė-Vardar ėshtė nė interesin e tyre, gjė qė u konfirmua gjatė luftės sė madhe tė fundit, dhe ajo mund tė bėhet mė e sigurt, pėr ne dhe pėr ata, vetėm kur ne tė dominojmė plotėsisht rajonin pėrreth Maleve tė Sharrit dhe Kosovės.
Mėnyra e shpėrnguljes
Sikundėr e kemi theksuar tashmė, shpėrngulja nė masė e shqiptarėve nga trekėndėshi i tyre ėshtė i vetmi kurs pėr ne. Pėr tė realizuar shpėrnguljen e njė popullsie tė tėrė kėrkesa e parė ėshtė qė tė krijohet njė mendėsi e pėrshtatshme. Ajo mund tė krijohet nė mjaft mėnyra.
Sikundėr e dimė, masat myslimane pėrgjithėsisht influencohen lehtė sidomos nga feja, paragjykimet dhe fanatizmi. Prandaj, gjėja e parė qė duhet tė bėjmė ėshtė qė tė bindim klerikėt dhe njerėzit e tyre me influencė me anė tė parave ose kėrcėnimeve qė ata tė pėrkrahin shpėrnguljen e shqiptarėve. Duhet tė gjenden sa mė shpejtė qė tė jetė e mundur agjitatorė nga Turqia, nė qoftė se ajo do tė na i japė, pėr tė pėrkrahur shpėrnguljen. Ata duhet tė flasin pėr bukuritė nė tokat e reja nė Turqi, pėr jetėn e lehtė dhe tė rehatshme qė bėhet atje, pėr fanatizmin fetar dhe tė ngjallin krenarinė pėr shtetin turk midis masave. Shtypi ynė mund tė japė njė ndihmė tė jashtėzakonshme nė pėrshkrimin e shpėrnguljes sė njerėzishme tė turqve nga Dobruzha dhe se sa mirė janė vendosur ata nė tokat e reja. Kėto pėrshkrime do tė krijojnė midis masave tė shqiptarėve predispozicionin e domosdoshėm pėr t'u shpėrngulur atje.
Njė mjet tjetėr do tė jetė shtrėngimi i ushtruar nga aparati shtetėror. Ligji duhet zbatuar deri nė njė pėr ta bėrė qėndrimin e shqiptarėve tė padurueshėm: gjobat, burgosjet, zbatimi i egėr i urdhėresave tė policisė, si ndalimi i kontrabandės, prerja e pyjeve, dėmtimi i bujqėsisė, lėnia e qenėve zgjidhur, puna angari dhe mjete tė tjera qė mund tė pėrdorė njė forcė policore me pėrvojė. Nga pikėpamja ekonomike: mospranimi pėr tė njohur tapitė e vjetra tė tokės, puna me regjistrimin e tokės qė duhet tė pėrfshijė menjėherė vjeljen e pamėshirėshme tė taksave dhe shlyerjen e tė gjitha borxheve private dhe publike, rekuizimi i tė gjitha kullotave shtetėrore apo komunale, shfuqizimi i koncesioneve, heqja e lejeve pėr ushtrimin e profesionit, pushimi nga puna nė zyrat shtetėrore, private apo komunale etj, do tė shpejtojnė procesin e shpėrnguljes sė tyre. Masat nė fushėn e shėndetėsisė: zbatimi me dhunė i tė gjitha dispozitave madje edhe brenda shtėpive, duke rrėzuar tė gjitha muret dhe gardhiqet rrethuese, zbatimi me rreptėsi i masave veterinare qė do tė rezultojnė nė ndalimin e shitjes sė bagtive nė treg gjithashtu do tė aplikohen nė njė mėnyrė efektive dhe praktike. Kur vjen puna tek feja, shqiptarėt janė shumė tė prekshėm, prandaj ata mund tė ngacmohen nė kėtė drejtim gjithashtu. Kjo mund tė arrihet me njė keqtrajtim tė klerikėve tė tyre, shkatėrrimin e varrezave, ndalimin e poligamisė, dhe sidomos zbatimin e rreptė tė ligjit qė detyron vajzat tė ndjekin shkollėn fillore kudo qė janė.
Iniciativa private gjithashtu mund tė ndihmojė shumė nė kėtė drejtim. Ne mund t'u shpėrndajmė armė kolonistėve tanė sipas nevojės. Format e vjetra tė veprimit ēetnik do tė organizohen dhe do tė mbėshteten nė mėnyrė tė fshehtė. Nė veēanti, do tė organizohet njė vėrshim i malazezve nga kullotat malore pėr tė krijuar njė konflikt nė shkallė tė gjerė me shqiptarėt nė Metohi. Ky konflikt do tė pėrgatitet me anėn e njerėzve tanė tė besuar. Ai do tė inkurajohet dhe kjo mund tė bėhet mė lehtė nė kohėn qė shqiptarėt do tė jenė revoltuar vėrtetė, atėherė e gjithė grindja do tė paraqitet si njė konflikt midis klaneve dhe do tė shpjegohet me arsye ekonomike po tė jetė nevoja. Mė nė fund, mund tė sugjerohen rebelime lokale. Ato do tė shtypen me gjak me anė tė klaneve dhe tė ēetnikėve mė tepėr se sa me anė tė ushtrisė.
Mbetet akoma njė mjet, tė cilin Serbia e ka pėrdorur me njė efekt tė madh pas vitit 1878, dhe kjo ėshtė djegia fshehurazi e fshatrave dhe lagjeve shqipare nėpėr qytete.
Organizimi i shpėrnguljes
Nga harta e bashkėngjitur del e qartė se cilat rajone duhet tė pastrohen. Ato janė: Dibra e Epėrme, Pologu i Poshtėm, Pologu i Epėrm, Malet e Sharrit, Drenica, Peja, Istogu, Vuēiterni, Stavica, Llapi, Graēanica, Nerodimja, Dalovia, Podgori, Gora, Podrimja, Gjilani dhe Kaēaniku. Midis kėtyre rajoneve, qė pėrbėjnė tė gjithė bashkė pykėn shqiptare, mė tė rėndėsishmit pėr ne tani janė: Peja, Gjakovica, Podrimja, Gora, Podgori, Sharri, Istogu dhe Drenica nė veri tė Maleve tė Sharrit, sikundėr dhe Dibra e Epėrme dhe dy Pologėt nė jug dhe Malet e Sharrit. Kėto janė zona kufitare qė duhet tė pastrohen nga shqiptarėt me ēdo ēmim. Rajonet e brendshme si Kaēaniku, Gjilani, Nerodimja, Graēanica, Llapi, Vuēiterni etj, mundėsisht duhet tė dobėsohen, sidomos rajonet e Kaēanikut dhe tė Llapit, ndėrsa tė tjerėt duhet tė kolonizohen gradualisht dhe sistematikisht nė njė periudhė prej dhjetra vjetėsh.
Mjetet e pėrmendura mė lart do tė pėrdoren nė radhė tė parė nė rajonet kufitare, nė rast se ne duhet t'i pastrojmė ato nga shqiptarėt.
Gjatė ripopullimit duhet tė mbajmė mend kėto qė vijon:
Nė radhė tė parė, ripopullimi duhet tė fillojė nė fshatra dhe pastaj nė qytete. Duke qenė mė kompaktė, fshatrat janė edhe mė tė rrezikshėm. Pastaj gabimi i shpėrnguljes sė varfanjakėve vetėm do tė shmanget: shtresat e mesme dhe tė pasura pėrbėjnė shtyllėn kurrizore tė ēdo kombi, prandaj ato duhen persekutuar dhe duhen pastruar. Duke mos pasur mbėshtetjen e bashkėpatriotėve qė janė tė pavarur ekonomikisht, varfanjakėt nėnshtrohen mė lehtė. Kjo ēėshtje ka njė rėndėsi tė madhe dhe po e theksoj kėtė pėr arsye se njė nga shkaqet kryesore qė kemi pak sukses nė kolonizimin tonė tė jugut ėshtė se tė varfėrit u dėbuan, ndėrsa tė pasurit mbetėn, kėshtu qė ne nuk bėmė pėrpara, sepse fituam fare pak tokė pėr vendosjen e kolonistėve tanė. Gjatė krijimit tė mendėsisė pėr shpėrnguljen, duhet tė bėhet ēdo gjė e mundur pėr tė shpėrngulur fshatra tė tėrė ose tė paktėn familje tė tėra. Njė gjendje e tillė, nė tė cilėn njė pjesė e familjes largohet kurse pjesa tjetėr mbetet duhet tė mėnjanohet me ēdo kusht. Shteti ynė nuk ka ndėrmend tė shpenzojė miliona pėr ta bėrė jetėn mė tė lehtė pėr shqiptarėt, por tė heqė qafe sa tė jetė e mundur mė shumė prej tyre. Pėr kėtė arsye blerja e tokave tė shqiptarėve qė shpėrngulen nga ata qė mbeten prapa duhet tė ndalohet nė mėnyrė absolute. Largimi i individėve dhe i fshatrave tė tėrė mund tė lidhet edhe me pyetjen nėse ata duan ta kenė mė tė lehtė procesin e shpėrnguljes.
Me tė dhėnė pėlqimin pėr shpėrngulje, atyre u duhet dhėnė e gjithė ndihma e duhur. Procedura administrative do tė thjeshtėzohet, prona e tyre do tė paguhet nė vend, dokumentat e udhėtimit do tė lėshohen pa asnjė formalitet, dhe atyre do t'u jepet ndihmė pėr tė shkuar nė stacionin mė tė afėrt tė trenit. Trenat do tė jenė gati pėr t'i dėrguar deri nė Selanik, nga ku ata do tė hipin menjėherė nė anije pėr nė Azi. Ka shumė rėndėsi qė udhėtimi i tyre tė jetė i lehtė, i rehatshėm dhe i lirė. Mundėsisht udhėtimi me tren tė jetė pa para dhe ata tė ndihmohen me ushqime, sepse nga kjo do tė varet shumė nėse do tė shpėrngulen masa tė mėdha njerėzish apo jo. Frika e vėshtirėsive tė udhėtimit do tė jetė pengesa kryesore nė lėvizjen e tyre. Prandaj ajo mund tė kapėrcehet duke zgjidhur tė gjitha problemet e lidhura me udhėtimin shpejt dhe energjikisht. Njė kujdes i veēantė duhet tė bėhet pėr tė siguruar se ata do tė kenė sa mė pak vėshtirėsi nė udhėtim, sepse njerėzit e thjeshtė orientohen me vėshtirėsi. Prandaj do tė jetė e kėshillueshme tė studjohet sistemi i transportit nga agjenci tė mėdha udhėtimi dhe tė pėrdoret ky studim. Pėrsoni i shpėrngulur duhet tė kalojė nga dora nė dorė pa e ndjerė barrėn e kėsaj ēvendosjeje. Vetėm nė kėtė mėnyrė ėshtė e mundur tė krijohet ai vėrshim shqiptarėsh tė shpėrngulur qė do tė zbrazė jugun tonė prej tyre.
Popullimi i rajoneve tė ēpopulluara
Problemi i vendosjes sė kolonive nė rajonet e ēpopulluara nuk ėshtė mė pak i rėndėsishėm se shpėrngulja e shqiptarėve.
Lind pyetja e parė: Kush do tė vendoset atje? Gjėja mė e natyrshme do tė ishte qė ato tė popullohen me elementin tonė nga rajonet pasive. Nė radhė tė parė mė tė pėrshtatshmit janė malazezėt sepse Metohia, Drenica dhe Kosova janė vendet mė tė natyrshme, ku ata mund tė vėrshojnė prej maleve tė tyre tė varfėruara. Rritja e popullsisė nė Mal tė Zi ka sjellė njė varfėri, e cila kohėt e fundit ka shkaktuar trazira tė vazhdueshme social-politike tė disfavorshme pėr fuqinė e shtetit tonė dhe shumė tė rrezikshme pėr ligjin dhe rregullin nė tė ardhmen. T'u japėsh atyre misėr dhe pensione ėshtė pa dobi. E vetmja zgjidhje ėshtė t'i dėrgosh ata nė rajonet pjellore tė Metohisė, Drenicės dhe Kosovės. Pastaj, meqėnėse ata janė tė afėrt me shqiptarėt pėr sa i pėrket mentalitetit dhe temperamentit, malazezėt janė instrumenti mė i pėrshtatshėm pėr t'i mundur ata. Sė pari, ata mund tė pėrdoren nė rajonet nė veri tė Maleve tė Sharrit. Ndėrkohė, krahas tyre, edhe disa njerėz nga Liēani, Krajsinca, Serbia, Kaēaku, Uzhica dhe Toplica duhet tė pėrdoren si kolonistė. Kjo ėshtė e domosdoshme pėr tė krijuar zakone mė tė mira pune dhe organizimi midis malazezėve, pėr tė thyer psikologjinė e tyre tė grupeve baritore dhe frymėn e kolektivitetit qė karakterizon malėsorėt me anėn e pėrzjerjes dhe tė ndėrmartesave me njerėz tė rajoneve tė ndryshme dinarike. Nė kėtė mėnyrė, do tė formohet njė tip i ri malazezėsh me njė kėndvėshtrim mė pak lokal dhe mė tė gjerė serb.
Kushte tė pėrshtatshme do tė krijohen pėr emigrantėt serbė tė jugut qė banojnė nė rajonet nė jug tė Maleve tė Sharrit, kėshtu qė ata do tė mund tė vėnė nė posedim tokat pjellore. Ata janė njerėz tė ndershėm e punėtorė qė do t'i jenė mirėnjohės shtetit pėr gjithė jetėn nė qoftė se do tė krjohen pėr ta kushte tė pėlqyeshme jetese nė zonat fshatare. Serbėt fshatarė tė jugut nė pėrgjithėsi kanė tė drejtė tė presin mė shumė kujdes dhe vėmendje se ē'po u kushtohet sot.
Kolonizimi i Pologut (i Epėrm dhe i Poshtėm) dhe i Dibrės me kėta paupers (varfanjakė, pėrkth.), si dhe dhėnia e kullotave atyre dhe jo shqiptarėve, do t'i bėjė ata qė ta ndjejnė se ky ėshtė shteti i tyre dhe do t'i mbrojnė kufijtė e tij.
Pėrveē atyre, kolonizimi nė jug tė Maleve tė Sharrit dhe tė Malit tė Zi tė Shkupit mund tė bėhet me serbė nga Vranja, Leskovci, Piroti dhe Blasenica, sidomos me ata qė janė nga fshatrat malore pasive. E pėrsėrisim se dinarikėt nuk do tė lejohen tė shtrihen nė jug tė vijės sė formuar nga Mali i Zi i Shkupit dhe Malet e Sharrit.
Gjatė kolonizimit tė fshatrave tė boshatisura nga shqiptarėt, ėshtė me rėndėsi tė mėnjanohen vonesat burokratike dhe formalitetet e mėrzitshme. Veprimi i parė i menjėhershėm ėshtė qė t'u jepet kolonistėve e drejta e posedimit mbi tokat ku janė vendosur. Njė nga arsyet kryesore pėr mossuksesin e kolonizimit ka qenė fakti se kolonistėt nuk e kanė fituar menjėherė tė drejtėn e posedimit dhe nė kėtė mėnyrė ajo ėshtė keqtrajtuar nė duart e zyrtarėve dhe politikanėve tė paskrupullt. Fshatarėt e ndjejnė veten tė sigurt nė posedimin e tokės vetėm kur ata e dinė se askush nuk mund t'i largojė mė prej saj. Prandaj, atyre do t'u jepet njė garanci e tillė menjėherė. Por nė tė njėjtėn kohė, ėshtė e rrezikshme t'u japėsh kolonistėve tė drejtėn e plotė tė pronėsisė mbi tokėn. Nė parim, ekonomitė e kolonistėve kanė misionin e tyre shtetėror dhe nacional, dhe ai qė merr njė ekonomi tė tillė duhet ta shpjerė misionin deri nė fund. Prandaj, ai nuk mund tė ketė njė pronėsi tė pakufizuar mbi kėtė pronė. Sepse ka njerėz mjaft tė ndryshėm midis tyre, si proletarė tė fshatit tė cilėt kanė humbur ndjenjėn e tyre tė pronėsisė mbi tokėn ose barinjė qė duhet tė pėrshtaten me bujqėsinė. Ata duhet tė lidhen me tokėn me anėn e forcės sė ligjit. Sepse ata mund tė fillojnė ta duan krahinėn dhe shtėpinė e tyre tė re dhe nėqoftėse ata vetė nuk mund ta arrijnė kėtė, sidoqoftė fėmijtė e tyre do tė mund ta bėjnė. Pėr kėtė arsye duhet tė mėnjanohet me anėn e ligjit qė kolonistėt tė fitojnė pronėsinė e plotė mbi tokėn nė jo mė pak se 30 vjet, megjithėse e drejta pėr posedim do t'u jepet menjėherė. Sipas ligjit tonė, gratė nė vendin tonė duhet tė pėrjashtohen nga trashėgimia nė tokat e kolonizuara, me pėrjashtim tė rasteve kur kolonisti nuk ka pasardhės meshkuj dhe gruaja ka ndėrmend tė sjellė njė dhendėr nė shtėpi. Pronat qė u janė dhėnė kolonistėve deri tani kanė qenė tė vogla. Duke patur parasysh metodat ekstensive tė bujqėsisė, rėnien e ēmimeve tė produkteve bujqėsore, sikundėr dhe familjet e medha tė kolonistėve, 5 deri 10 hektarė tokė janė tė pamjaftueshėm pėr tė siguruar kushtet pėr zhvillimin ekonomik tė kolonistėve.
Ėshtė mė mirė tė popullosh njė rajon me njė numėr mė tė vogėl kolonistėsh me kushte mė tė mira zhvillimi se sa ta popullosh atė me njė numėr tė madh apo me gjysėmproletarė fshati. Ky gjithashtu ka qenė njė shkak madhor pėrse nuk kemi patur sukses deri tani nė kolonizimin e jugut dhe tė veriut.
Elementė kaq tė pėrshtatshėm pėr kolonizim nė kushte kaq tė vėshtira qė kemi sot janė tė rrallė midis popujve tė tjerė. Kėto pak suksese qė kemi arritur nė politikėn e kolonizimit janė rezultat i kėtyre cilėsive kolonizuese tė racės sonė. Vetėm fshatarėt tanė, tė cilėt luftojnė me tokat e mbuluara me shkurre ose qė nuk kanė qenė punuar asnjėherė dhe janė zhvendosur nga njė mjedis nė njė tjetėr, kanė qenė nė gjendje tė mbijetojnė nė kushte kaq tė vėshtira. Ēfarė nuk do tė bėnin ata nė qoftė se shteti do t'u jepte gjėrat qė e ka pėr detyrė t'u japė.
Me 10 shkurt 1865, qeveria e princit Mihajlos nxori njė ligj mbi vendosjen e tė huajve nė Serbi. Sipas kėtij ligji, qeveria serbe u dha kolonistėve tė varfėr nga krahinat fqinje 3 hektarė tokė tė punueshme dhe 3 hektarė tokė tė papunueshme, njė shtėpi, njė pendė qe, njė qerre, dy dhi ose dele, njė parmendė, veglat e nevojshme tė punės dhe 120 grosh para nė dorė. Pėrveē kėsaj, u dha mjaft misėr si ushqim deri nė tė korrat e para. Njė plug u dha pėr ēdo dy familje. Ky inventar i luajtshėm dhe i paluajtshėm iu dha kolonistėve nga ana e jonė pa tė drejtėn pėr t'i shitur pėr njė afat prej 15 vjetėsh. Nė fund tė kėtij afati ato u bėnė pronė e tyre. Nė 5 vjetėt e parė kolonistėt ishin tė pėrjashtuar nga tė gjitha llojet e taksave shtetėrore, pėr 10 vjet ata ishin tė pėrjashtuar nga shėrbimi i pėrgjithshėm ushtarak nė ushtrinė e rregullt dhe tė pėrjashtuar nga shėrbimi nė milicinė popullore pėr 5 vjet. Pėrgjigja nga tė gjitha anėt qe e tillė qė brenda disa muajve tė gjitha vendet u mbushėn dhe u kolonizua mė shumė territor se ē'kishim qenė nė gjendje tė kolonizonim ne gjatė disa vjetėve pas luftės. Nė qoftė se shteti kishte krijuar kėto kushte tė favorshme pėr kolonistėt pas vitit 1918, gjendja jonė si nė Vojvodinė ashtu dhe nė Serbinė e jugut nuk do tė ishte ashtu sikundėr ėshtė. Ja, pra, si duhet tė veprojmė nė tė ardhmen, nė rast se ne duam tė kemi sukses.
Metoda e kolonizimit tė Toplicės dhe Kosanicės pas vitit 1878, kur shqiptarėt u dėbuan nga kėto rajone, ėshtė gjithashtu e mbushur me mėsime. Metoda pėr kolonizimin e kėtyre rajoneve u parashtrua nė ligjin e 3 janarit 1880. Me 3 shkurt tė tė njėjtit vit, Kėshilli i Popullit aprovoi ligjin mbi amendamentin e marrėdhėnieve agrare sipas parimit "toka fshatarėve". Pa hezitim, Serbia mori borxhin e parė tė huaj pėr tė paguar Turqinė pėr tokat qė kishte marrė. Ajo nuk formoi ndonjė ministri tė reformės agrare apo ndonjė aparat tė kushtueshėm pėr problemin e kolonizimit, por ēdo gjė u bė nė njė mėnyrė tė thjeshtė dhe praktike. Organet e policisė ua shpėrndanė tokat tė gjithė atyre qė donin ta punonin. Erdhėn njerėz nga Mali i Zi, Sjenica, Vranja, Kosova, Peja etj. gjatė 30 vjetėve pas vitit 1878. Toplica dhe Kosanica, dikur rajone shqiptare me reputacion tė keq, i dhanė Serbisė regjimentin mė tė mirė nė luftėrat e viteve 1912-1918, Regjimentin e Dytė tė Hekurt. Toplica dhe Kosanica paguan dhe stėrpaguan me gjakun e bijve tė tyre ato dhjetė milionė dinarėt qė Serbia pati shpenzuar pėr ripopullimin e tyre.
Vetėm duke ndjekur kėtė shembull dhe duke ditur se ēfarė kėrkohet, duke mos kursyer as paratė as gjakun, mund tė krijojė shteti ynė njė Toplicė tė re nė Kosovė dhe Metohi.
Qė kėtej del se nė qoftė se ne duam qė kolonistėt tė qėndrojnė atje ku janė, ata duhet tė jenė tė sigurt se do t'i kenė tė gjitha mjetet pėr tė jetuar pėr disa vite. Ne duhet tė ndalojmė rreptėsisht ēfarėdo spekullimi me shtėpitė dhe pronat e shqiptarėve tė shpėrngulur. Shteti duhet t'i rezervojė vetes tė drejtėn e pakufizuar pėr tė disponuar pronat e tundshme dhe tė patundshme tė njerėzve tė shpėrngulur dhe duhet tė vendosė kolonistėt e vet menjėherė pas nisjes sė shqiptarėve. Kjo duhet tė bėhet sepse do tė jenė tė rralla rastet kur do tė niset njė fshat i tėrė njėherėsh. Tė parėt qė do tė vendosen nė kėto fshatra duhet tė jenė malazezėt, qė janė njė popull arrogant, gjaknxehtė dhe i pamėshirshėm. Ata do t'i dėbojnė shqiptarėt e mbetur me sjelljen e tyre dhe kėtu mund tė sillen pastaj kolonistė nga rajone tė tjera.
Ky dokument merret vetėm me problemin e kolonizimit tė Serbisė sė Jugut. Problemi i Vojvodinės, sidomos i trekėndėshit hungarez nė Backė, Senta-Kula-Backa Topola, nuk ėshtė mė pak i rėndėsishėm pėr ne. Pėr tė shkatėrruar kėtė trekėndėsh nė Vojvodinė ėshtė njėlloj si tė shkatėrrosh bllokun shqiptar pėrrreth Maleve tė Sharrit. Duke ndjekur ndarjen e pronave tė mėdha, atje mbesin dhjetėra mijėra ferma hungareze qė janė sot njė barrė e rėndė pėr fshatarėt e mesėm serbė dhe gjermanė tė Vojvodinės. Disa nga kėta punėtorė gjermanė apo hungarezė, qė janė punėtorė bujqėsie apo pronarė tė vegjėl, mund tė dėrgohen nė jug, sepse nė Backė, nė kufirin me Hungarinė, ata paraqesin rrezik, aq mė tepėr qė serbėt e Backės pėrbėjnė vetėm 25 pėrqind tė popullsisė. Nė Serbinė e Jugut, duke i mbrojtur pronat e tyre kundėr Shqipėrisė, ata do tė bėhen shtetas tė mirė, qė do tė integrohen me masat e popullit tonė dhe, ē'ėshtė edhe mė e rėndėsishme, duke qenė mė tė pėrparuar dhe nė njė nivel mė tė lartė kulturor se fshatarėt tanė, ata do tė japin shembullin e metodave tė pėrparuara nė kultivimin e tokės. Ne theksojmė nė mėnyrė tė veēantė se serbėt e Vojvodinės nuk duhet tė dėrgohen nė jug pėr kolonizim. Nė Vojvodinė ka akoma tokė pėr kolonizim. Prandaj atyre u duhet dhėnė tokė atje. Theksojmė gjithashtu se gjatė periudhės 1928-1929 atje pati njė lėvizje tė gjerė midis hungarezėve. Njė pėrpjekje tjetėr nė kėtė drejtim duhet tė pengohet dhe publiku ynė duhet tė udhėzohet si tė pėrkrahė njė lėvizje tė hungarezėve dhe tė gjermanėve nga Vojvodina dhe sidomos nga Backa nė jug.
Aparati i kolonizimit
Njė rėndėsi tė veēantė pėr zgjidhjen e ēėshtjes qė po diskutojmė ka ekzistenca e njė aparati pėr ta drejtuar kėtė punė. Puna e dobėt e aparatit qė ka zbatuar politikėn tonė tė kolonizimit ėshtė nė njė shkallė tė madhe shkaku qė deri tani ne nuk kemi patur sukses. Pėr ta manjanuar njė gjė tė tillė nė tė ardhmen, duhet bėrė riorganizimi.
Asnjė punė tjetėr nuk kėrkon mė shumė vazhdimėsi zbatimi sa ē'kėrkon kolonizimi. Ne kemi theksuar se njė nga arsyet kryesore tė mungesės sė suksesit nė kolonizimin tonė nė veri dhe nė jug ėshtė puna e pakėt dhe ndryshimi i politikės me ndryshimin e qeverive. Nė rast se kjo duam tė mėnjanohet nė tė ardhmen, kolonizimi duhet t'i besohet Shtabit tė Pėrgjithshėm tė Ushtrisė. Pse? Thjesht pėr arsye tė mbrojtjes. Ushtria jonė ėshtė e interesuar nė vendosjen e elementit tonė pėrgjatė kufirit, sidomos nė sektorėt mė delikatė. Pėr kėtė qėllim ai do tė bėjė ē'ėshtė e mundur pėr tė siguruar kufijtė me anė tė njė kolonizimi sa mė tė qėndrueshėm. Shtabi i Pėrgjithshėm, si institucioni i paė i mbrojtjejes sė interesave tona kombėtare, mund tė kontribuojė shumė nė tėrė politikėn tonė tė kolonizimit. Shtabi i Pėrgjithshėm do tė dijė si tė mbrojė zbatimin e politikės sė kolonizimit nga ndėrhyrjet private tė atyre qė duan ta pėrdorin atė nė interesin e tyre dhe nga ēdo ndikim i jashtėm. Njė fakt tjetėr i rėndėsishėm ėshtė se do tė jetė mė lehtė pėr Shtabin e Pėrgjithshėm tė bindė institucionet me pėrgjegjėsi pėr rėndėsinė e ēėshtjes dhe t'i bėjė ata qė marrin vendimeve efektive. Kėshilli i Popullit do tė ketė mė besim tek ai dhe do t'i japė kreditė e nevojshme mė lehtė se tė tjerėve.
Shtabi i Pėrgjithshėm do tė udhėheqė tė gjithė punėn nėpėrmjet Kėshillit Shtetėror tė kolonizimit. Ky kėshill do tė jetė krejt i pavarur, por drejtėpėrdrejtė nėn kontrollin e Shefit tė Shtabit tė Pėrgjithshėm dhe do tė ketė tė gjitha organet e kolonizimit tonė nėn kontrollin e tij. Pėrfaqėsuesit e disa ministrive tė interesuara, shoqata kombėtare, organizma teknike dhe institucione shkencore do futen nė kėtė kėshill.
Gabimi mė i madh i politikės sonė tė kolonizimit qėndron nė faktin se burokracia e pastėrvitur dhe jo kompetente ka thėnė fjalėn kryesore nė kėtė punė dhe ėshtė marrė me tė jo vazhdimisht dhe pa e eksploruar atė tėrėsisht. Le tė pėrmendim kolonizimin e vullnetarėve tanė nga Hungaria nė Ovce Polje, Kadrifikovo ose emigrantėt nga Istra dhe Gorica qė u vendosėn pėrreth Demir Kapijas. Kjo kėrkon njė lidhje tė ngushtė midis forcės sė shtetit, iniciativės private dhe institucioneve shkencore me politikėn tonė tė kolonizimit. Iniciativa mund tė veprojė nė shumė drejtime. Mbrojtja Popullore, Sokolasit, Shoqatat Ēetnike etj. duhet tė ndėrmarrin kundėr shqiptarėve veprime, nė tė cilat ėshtė mirė qė tė marrė pjesė edhe shteti. Shoqatat e agronomėve, doktorėve, inxhinjerėve, kooperativave etj. mund tė ndihmojnė shumė mirė nėpėrmjet kėshillave teknike pėr tė zgjidhur shumė probleme qė dalin gjatė procesit tė kolonizimit. Edhe shoqatat kulturale, si Prosveta nė Sarajevo, Matica Srpska nė Novi Sad, shoqatat Sveti Sava nė Beograd etj. gjithashtu kanė detyrat e tyre nė lidhje me kėtė ēėshtje.
Nuk ka dyshim se institucionet tona mė tė larta shkencore kanė filluar tė humbasin prestigjin e tyre tė dikurshėm. Shaku kryesor pėr kėtė ėshtė se universiteti dhe Akadamia e Shkencave po largohen gjithnjė e mė shumė nga jeta reale dhe janė duke neglizhuar detyrėn Themelore qė kanė ata nė njė vend relativisht tė prapambetur si ky i yni, duke hapur rrugėn pėr zbatimin e realizimeve shkencore tė shekullit XX-tė. Miliona do t'i ishin kursyer kėtij vendi, shumė gabime do tė kishin qenė mėnjanuar, duke pėrfshirė dhe politikėn e kolonizimit, sikur problemet tė ishin studjuar me seriozitet dhe objektivitet nga punonjėsit tanė shkencorė kompetentė para se ato tė shtroheshin pėr zgjidhje. Politika jonė e kolonizimit po ashtu do tė kishte patur njė vlerėsim mė serioz, njė vazhdimėsi mė tė madhe dhe zbatim mė efektiv, sikur ekspertėt dhe punonjėsit tanė shkencorė tė jepnin paraprakisht mendimin e tyre. Nė radhė tė parė, Akademia Mbretėrore Serbe e Shkencave e Beogradit duhet tė marrė iniciativėn tė organizojė njė studim tėrėsor shkencor pėr tė gjithė problemin e kolonizimit tė vendit. Kjo do tė kishte qenė e mundur pėr shumė arsye. Nė universitet ne kemi ekspertė pėr ēdo ēėshtje qė ėshtė e lidhur me kolonizimin e vendit tonė. Mėsuesėt dhe akademikėt e universitetit janė punonjės tė pavarur, tė cilėt i nėnshtrohen mė pak ndikimeve tė jashtme politike. Ata tashmė kanė njė pėrvojė tė mirė nė njė punė tė tillė dhe veprimtaria e tyre shkencore ėshtė njė garanci e objektiviteti tė tyre. Prandaj ata do tė marrin iniciativėn pėr tė themeluar njė institut tė kolonizimit, detyrė e tė cilit do tė jetė angazhii nė studimin e kolonizimit. Shteti nga ana e tij do tė shkėpusė nga ministri tė ndryshme tė gjitha ato institucione qė kanė qenė tė angazhuar me kėtė problem dhe me to tė krijojė njė institucion tė posaēėm, Zyrėn e Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit.
Zyra e Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit do tė kryesohet nga Inspektori i Pėrgjithshėm i caktuar me dekret me propozimin e Ministrit tė Luftės, Shefit tė Shtabit tė Pėrgjithshėm dhe Kryeministrit. E gjithė veprimtaria e institutit dhe e Zyrės sė Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit do tė zhvillohet sipas urdhėrave dhe mbikėqyrjes tė Kėshillit tė Shtetit, ndėrsa Inspektori i Pėrgjithshėm do tė pėrgjigjet para Shefit tė Shtabit tė Pėrgjithshėm.
Instituti i kolonizimit do tė jetė i ndarė nė kėto seksione: 1) organizimi; 2) edukimi dhe kultura;3) financa; 4) bujqėsia; 5) ndėrtimi; 6) higjena etj. Nė marrėveshje me shoqatat shkencore dhe kulturore-edukative, seksionet do tė studjojnė problemet e kolonizimit dhe do tė pėratisin direktivat, duke e pajisur kėshtu politikėn tonė tė kolonizimit me njė plan tė shėndoshė dhe shkencėrisht tė pėrpunuar, i cili do tė shėrbejė pėr marrjen e vendimeve. Nė krye tė kėtij instituti do tė jenė njerėz tė emėruar nga Kėshilli i Shtetit, qė pėrbėhet ng pėrfaqėsues tė ministrive tė pėrmendura, universiteti, Akademia e Shkencave dhe ato organizata private, nacionale dhe kulturore-organizative qė do tė zgjidhen apo do tė emrohen nė kėtė kėshill. Nė kėtė rast duhet tė bėhet kujdes qė atje tė caktohen njerėz jo pėr tė fituar nder, por njerėz qė e duan dhe janė tė dedikuar nė kėtė punė.
Kryetarėt dhe nėpunėsit e Institutit do tė caktohen nėpėrmjet konkurimit. Instituti do tė furnizojė Zyrėn e Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit me plane tė pėrpunuara shkencėrisht pėr zbatimin e politikės sė kolonizimit. Nė rast se do tė ketė pikėpamje tė ndryshme midis Zyrės sė Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit dhe instituteve lidhur me ēėshtje themelore, Shefi i Shtabit tė Pėrgjithshėm do tė vendosė.
Zyra e Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit duhet tė ketė nėpėr rajoneorganet ekzekutive, tė pėrbėrė nga njerėz tė zgjedhur dhe tė gatshėm pėr tė bėrė punėn qofshin tė punėsuar apo jo nga shteti. Ata duhet tė zgjidhen mundėsisht me anė tė koknkursit dhe tė emrohen me propozimin e Shefit tė Shtabit tė Pėrgjithshėm, ndėrsa nė punėn e tyre Zyra e Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit dhe organet e tyre duhet tė shmangin formalitetet burokratike sa tė jetė e mundur mė shumė, duke mbajtur gjithnjė nė mendje njė gjė: tė bėhet sa mė shpejt qė ėshtė e mundur shpėrngulja e shqiptarėve dhe vendosja e kolonistėve tanė.
Aparati policor do tė luajė njė rol tė rėndėsishėm nė kėtė ēėshtje. Prandaj ėshtė e domosdoshme tė zgjidhen oficerėt mė energjikė dhe mė tė ndershėm dhe tė dėrgohen atje. Transferimi i tyre do tė bėhet me aprovimin e Shefit tė Shtabit tė Pėrgjithshėm dhe pėr njė punė kaq tė vėshtirė ata do tė paguhen nga fondet sekrete. Masa tė ashpėra duhet tė merren kundėr tė gjithė atyre qė do tė tregojnė mosbindjen mė tė vogėl. Njė komisar i posaēėm qė do tė zbatojė urdhėrat e inspektorit shtetėror tė kolonizimit do tė caktohet pėr tė gjithė territorin tė pėrbėrė nga 18 distriktet e lartpėrmendur. Prefektėt e distrikteve mund tė pajisen me fuqi tė veēanta si pėr punėn ashtu dhe dhėnien e udhėzimeve. Partive tona politike u duhet thėnė qartė se rivaliteti midis partive nė zgjedhje ėshtė i ndaluar kategorikisht nė kėto distrikte dhe se e ndaluar kategorikisht edhe ēdo ndėrhyrje nga ana e deputetėve nė dobi tė shqiptarėve.
Instituti Shtetėror dhe Zyra e Inspektimit tė Kolonizimit do tė pėrpunojė detajet teknike tė organizimit tė shpėrnguljes sė shqiptarėve dhe tė vendosjes sė kolonistėve tanė. Ndoshta nuk do tė ishte keq qė tė organizohej edhe njė organizatė tjetėr private, pėrveē kėtyre dy institucioneve zyrtare, qė do tė jetė e bazuar mbi shoqatat ekzistuese dhe do tė ketė pėr detyrė tė ndihmojė nė zbatimin e politikės sonė tė kolonizimit nėpėrmjet iniciativės private. Do tė jetė mė mirė nėqoftė se Liga e shoqatave tona kulturale-edukative ta ndėrmarrė njė punė tė tillė. Ajo do tė merret me koordinimin e veprimtarisė sė shoqatave priva me politikėn shtetėrore tė kolonizimit dhe do tė ndihmojė nė lidhjen midis tyre dhe Institutit tė Kolonizimit.
Sidoqė politika jonė e kolonizimit ėshtė kritikuar sepse ka patur pak sukses, mbrojtėsit e saj e kanė justifikuar gjithnjė veten dhe janė ankuar pėr "mjetet e pamjaftueshme financiare" qė shteti ka vėnė nė dispozicion pėr kėtė veprimtari. Ne nuk mund tė themi se kjo ėshtė e vėrtetė, megjithėse duhet pranuar se nė vendin tonė ėshtė shpenzuar mė shumė pėr mbajtjen e kėtij aparati dhe tė veprimtarisė sė tij se sa pėr kolonizimin vetė. Megjithatė, nė rast se shteti nuk ka dhėnė aq sa duhej tė jeptem kjo duhet tė kuptohet kėshtu: Ēdo shtet duhet tė sigurojė mbajtjen e rajoneve tė pasigurta nacionale duke i kolonizuar kėto rajone me elementin e vet nacional. Tė gjithė angazhimet e tjera nga rėndėsia vijnė pask kėtij angazhimi dhe kėsaj detyre. Pėr kėto probleme mjetet financiare mund dhe duhet tė gjenden. Ne tashmė e kemi pėrmendur borxhin e Serbisė gjatė kolonizimit tė Toplicės dhe Kosanicės dhe pėrfitimet qė patėm prej tij. Kur Mbretėria e vogėl Serbe nuk hezitoi tė bėjė sakrifica tė mėdha financiare, dhe vėretet ajo nuk hezitoi, si njė mbretėri e lirė dhe e pavarur, tė kėrkonte borxhin e parė pėr kolonizimin, mund tė themi se Jugosllavia e ditve tė sotme nuk ėshtė nė gjendje ta bėjė njė gjė tė tillė? Ajo mund dhe duhet ta bėjė kėtė, dhe nuk ėshtė e vėrtetė se ajo nuk ka mjete pėr ta bėrė. Le tė llogarisim afėrsisht se sa do tė kushtojė shpėrngulja e 200.000 shqiptarėve dhe vendosja e njė numri po kaq tė madh kolonistėsh.
Shpėrngulja e 40.000 familjeve shqiptare, duke marrė njė familje tė mesme prej 5 anėtarėsh dhe njė shumė mesatare prej 15.000 dinarėsh pėr ēdo familje, do tė kushtojė tėrėsisht 600 milionė dinarė. Shpenzimet e kolonizimit pėr tė vendosur 40.000 familjet tona mund tė arrijė njė total prej 200 milionė dinarėsh. Ja pėrse:
1. Shqiptarėt e shpėrngulur do tė lėnė vetėm tokėn por edhe shtėpitė e veglat e tyre bujqėsore. Nė kėtė mėnyrė, shumica dėrrmuese e kolonistėve tanė jo vetėm do tė vendoset nė shtėpitė e shqiptarėve, por duke patur pak ndihmė me bagti dhe ushqime, ata do tė pėrfitojnė ekonomikisht dhe do tė bėhen tė pavarur. Pėr kėtė arsye ne theksojmė kėtu se speullimet private me pronat e lėna prej shqiptarėve nuk duhet tė lejohen nė asnjė mėnyrė. Ato duhet t'i marrė shteti dhe t'ua japė kolonistėve.
2. Gjatė vendosjes sė kolonive tė reja, forcat ushtarake do tė pėrdoren sa herė qė tė jetė nevoja, sikundėr ishte rasti me ndėrtimin e Sremska-Raca dhe me rindėrtimin e fshatrave tė shkatėrruar nga tėrmeti i vitit 1931 nė jug. Pėr kėtė qėllim, ushtrisė do t'i jepet e drejta dhe mundėsia tė krijojnė njė lloj shėrbimi tė punės sė detyrueshme pėr projektet publike, ashtu sikundėr Stamboliski krijoi nė Bullgari Trudova Pronist dhe Hitleri krijoi Arbetsdienst nė Gjermani, duke mobilizuar rezervistėt apo duke zgjatur afatin e shėrbimit ushtarak. Do tė jetė veēanėrisht mirė qė rinia jonė e stėrvitur, pas diplomimit nė universitet, tė ngrkohet me kėtė detyrė. Nė kėtė rast, duke marrė pjesė nė punėn ndėrtimtare pėr interesin e pėrgjithshėm, shumė prej tyre do tė bėhej mė tė ndėrgjegjshėm dhe do t'i shikojnė gjėrat nė mėnyrė mė realiste. Kjo mund tė xbatohen lehtėsisht duke u dhėnė epėrsi nė punėsimin punė shteti tė atyre tė rinjve qė kanė punuar njė farė kohe pėr zbatimin e politikės sė kolonizimit. Kjo gjė do tė pakėsojė gjithashtu papunėsinė midis intelegjencės sonė tė re, e cila ka filluar tė bėhet njė problem social gjithnjė e mė i mprehtė nė vendin tonė.
3. Nė marrėveshje me organizata dhe shoqata tė specializuara, duhet gjetur rruga mė pak e kushtueshme pėr pastrimin e tokave nga shkurret, kanalizimin, tharjen e kėnetave etj., sikundėr dhe ndėrtimin e shtėpive. Ndėrmarrjet private duhet tė informohen se gjatė aktivitetit tė tyre pėr tė siguruar materialet e nevojshme, shteti do t'i ndihmojė ata me anė tė doganave tė reduktuara dhe tarifat hekurudhore, kredi dhe mjete tė tjera, kėshtu qė nė kėtė veprimtari kaq tė rėndėsishme shteti ka tė drejtėn tė kėrkojė prej tyre furnizim me materiale me ēmimet mė tė ulura. Ēėsgtja e sigurimit tė materialeve do tė zgjidhet direkt nėpėrmjet karteleve dhe pastj, nė marrėveshje me to, shteti do tė pėrcaktojė sasinė, cilėsinė dhe ēmimet e materialeve pa pazarllėqe fiktive. Ndėrmarrjet shtetėrore, hekurudhat dhe sidomos ndėrmarrjet pyjore, si Sipas, do tė vendosen krejtėsisht nė dispozicion tė Kėshillit tė Shtetit pėr Kolonizimin.
Marrė nga libri: "The Denial of Human and National Rights of Albanians in Kosova", edited by Alush A. Gashi, M. D., Ph. D., Illyria Publishing Co., Inc. New York, USA.