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    04-10-2006
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    Kosova: unjust politics

    Bledar Qato


    Preface:
    Many books have been written about Kosova, displaying its history and the troubled times that it had to go through under the horrible suppression of the Serbian government and military. Today, I believe it is safe to say that the people of Kosova are true Albanians, due to the language they speak, culture and historical background. They are no different then the minority of albanians that live in Macedonia or Monte Negro. In this book I will mainly focus on the necessity of KosovaBledar Qato Preface: Many books have been written about Kosova, displaying its history and the troubled times that it had to go through under the horrible suppression of the Serbian government and military. Today, I believe it is safe to say that the people of Kosova are true Albanians, due to the language they speak, culture and historical background. They are no different then the minority of albanians that live in Macedonia or Monte Negro. In this book I will mainly focus on the necessity of Kosovan independent Kosova, a place where democracy excels and where people can achieve a status as their counterparts in Europe or the United States. With the global threat of terrorism being seen everyday, why allow the possibility of a similar problem to become possible even in Kosova, which is so close to Europe and other problematic countries. It is necessary that a country be allowed to govern itself and follow the path towards democracy, and such a step is being denied to the albanians of Kosova. For years they had to suffer under a repressive regime where education was forbidden, and where the minority decided what the majority was to receive. The same case was in Iraq to where there was the Sunni minority governing and oppressing the Shia majority. However, Iraq was able to receive its independence, formed a new constitution and is moving toward democracy; where does that leave Kosova? Why shouldn’t the Albanians of Kosova receive the same benefits, are they not people just like the Iraqis whom aspire toward a free society? Yet, the international community remains quiet, years gone by and no decisiveness about any solution. To further complicate the situation, in February of 2003 the Serbs created a new constitution where Kosova was considered as an autonomic province inside the Serbian state. It seems that instead of the process going forward, it is going backwards. Just recently there were clashes between the Albanians and serbs in Kosovo. In the elections held the Serbian minority in Kosova refused to participate in the elections held and continue to hold such a position even today. If we compare this to the Iraqi elections, the Sunni also refused to participate in the elections, however today they have realized that this was a mistake and are participating in the process. The Serbian minority however refuses to do so mainly because of instructions received by the leadership in Beograd. So this is how the international community, the EU, England, U.S., Russia, and China intend to solve this issue. These countries have decided to sit down and discuss the future of Kosova sometime near the end of the year. The way the process has been going, it would seem that they would allow the situation to return to that of the 1990s. After centuries of injustice against the Albanians of Kosova it seems that nothing will change this time either. The international community still fails to recognize the problems and issues arising out of its indecisiveness. One thing we all can be clear about is that Kosova cannot go back to the same position it was in the 1990s. Yet, Serbia’s constitution implies just that and that is an impediment of the democratic process. A solution must be given now and that solution is the independence of Kosova. Some have suggested the EU and that when countries would join it the problem would disappear. In recent times however that would seem to be impossible since the EU is facing a major crisis. Again where does that live the Albanians of Kosova? The only solution is independence.

    Kosova since the 1990s.

    In the 1990s, the regime of Slobodan Milosevic imposed upon the Albanians many unnecessary obligations and impediments. At that time I was living in Albania the neighboring country and the results of such actions were being felt even where I was. The Kosova problem became to take its toll on the Albanian community also. The most interesting thing about Kosova is that it is there, in Prizren, where the enlightened leaders first gathered and demanded that Albania become an independent state. Yet, this piece of land was given to Serbia even though the population spoke Albanian and was also mostly Muslim, the only case where religion could be fully important in the Albanian national cause. So, here in my view the ethnic identity is as clear as day and night. Yet, these people were forced to be in the minority and obey the rules of the elite few. The main cause of the problems in my view came after the suppressive regime decided to close down the University of Prishtina. Everyone should have the right to a decent education, to learn about their history and as well as to freedom. Yet, apparently these rights that God has given to every human being on the earth were not allowed to the Albanians of Kosova. Apparently, according to their view, Albanians are but the lowest of all and do not deserve to live in this land. The Serbs continue even to this day to consider Kosova as the place where their saint, the king Lazar Hrebeljanovic lost to the Muslim Turkish army. The one I am referring to is the Battle of Kosova, which occurred in July 28, 1389. According to this view Kosova must belong to the Serbs because it is an historic land with significant important values. However, the truth however ugly it might seem to the Serbs is that Kosova is mainly composed of Albanians with other minorities sharing in the same territory. Using myths such as the Battle of Kosova, simply allow for more hate to be created among the two groups with no founded basis. That is why it is necessary that today both these ethic groups realize the importance of the time we live in and act in a manner that leads to future instead of looking back in the future.

    The absence of a clear end state in Resolution 1244 is and always will be an important challenge to the future of Kosova and stability in the region. The 2003 Serb Constitution, where Kosova was listed as a province under Serbia, shows that the idea, desire to bring Kosova back under Serbian domination is still an important part on their policy. This uncertainty over the final status has led to many more challenging political and economical problems. According to the Resolution 1244, the international administration and UNMIK actions is confined to specific parts of the infrastructure such as basic administrative functions, and therefore limiting it to a facilitator in the process of determining the final status. So, it will be the duties of the contact group, and lately the duty of the albanians themselves to decide as to the future of Kosova. In not knowing as to what the future of Kosova will be, the international administration has faced many challenges and obstacles in the implementation of its procedures. The absence of a clear road map about the future of Kosova has led to uncertainty and that without doubt breeds and will create instability. Unless an answer is given to this problem, which the region is in dire need of, ethnic problems will continue. However, the international administration has done a good job in convincing Albanians that going back under direct Serbian rule is not an option they have considered. As a method, it allowed for some cooperation between the different parts, however four years have passed and now it cannot be considered an option. Neither can the idea that the albanians must first comply and achieve certain duties towards their minorities prior to achieving independence can be considered an option anymore. While both these methods were necessary in the early years after the war, now these diplomatic tools simply impede the process and instead of allowing for democracy to develop forward, it sets it back. Why should the albanians or the serbs, not knowing the future of their state, bother and even make any attempt towards peace and democracy? What stake do the serbs have in participating in elections or joining the society when the international world still does not know nor has it given any hints as to what will become of the region? Also, why shouldn’t the albanians become impatient and desperate when they see that the world community doesn’t even consider the problems facing the Balkans? How can the world community do that when more important agendas face them such as the global war on terror, poverty, AIDS epidemic, Africa; anyone is familiar with the attacks in New York, Madrid and even recently in London. However, I fear that in so doing they are failing the albanians and serbs of Kosova. Right now, these people have good views toward the countries which represent the west, however how long will such views be pervasive, if instability and despair befalls upon the region. Just like in other regions, there are some extremists, whether serbs or albanians, who would like to use violence to promote their views. By postponing a decision on the status of Kosova, tensions among the groups have stayed high and it has given plenty of fuel to radicals for exploitation. This can easily be shown by the recent attacks where three bombs exploded at the UN Mission in the capital of Kosova, Prishtina. The fuel is h views be pervasive, if instability and despair befalls upon the region. Just like in other regions, there are some extremists, whether serbs or albanians, who would like to use violence to promote their views. By postponing a decision on the status of Kosova, tensions among the groups have stayed high and it has given plenty of fuel to radicals for exploitation. This can easily be shown by the recent attacks where three bombs exploded at the UN Mission in the capital of Kosova, Prishtina. The fuel is ve also gotten better in Kosova mainly thanks to the UN Mission. However, it seems as though the international administration had reached a line and it cannot go any further. An undecided future of Kosova is becoming every day an impediment on the road to democracy and it befalls upon the Contact Group to provide much needed guidance for this region. Otherwise, the conflict among the two ethnic groups will continue to further impede on the future of the country. The best example for this would be the divided town of Mitrovica where as recently as June 13, 2005, over 200 Serbs went into the streets to protest the opening of a bridge that linked the albanian part of the town with the serb part. Considering that the serb population also refused to attend the successful elections, one can easily assume that such inaction and desire of separation is the result of the unclear status of Kosova. Many people have offered the option of EU membership as the solution to the problem of Kosova, however this option is risky mostly because of the challenges that the EU has faced. Furthermore, this in my view would be a mistake since such an option will simply provide a front suggesting a solution. However, just like a virus the problems would soon contaminate the new region leading to greater calamities. Kosova, must first be given independence, and then allowed to join the EU. This will allow for a greater protection for minorities in Kosova since any country in the east considers access to EU membership as the road of the future. Let’s take the case of an unhealthy animal suffering in a farm; it would seem illogical to place with other healthy animals and expect it to perform as the others. Simply because the placement was achieved does not mean that now the problems have been solved. Instead this would be a mistake since the sick animal could spread the disease to others. That is why it is necessary and of cardinal importance that it first receives treatment and then allowed the other benefits. That treatment in the case of Kosova would be independence, which would allow albanians and serbs to make their first steps toward democracy and enjoy the same freedoms and rights that God has bestowed upon every human being. To achieve this, the Contact Group must collectively decide to move toward the final status. In not doing so, they are not allowing the two ethnic groups to decide about the future of their co-existence. Unless there is a clear sign that the Contact Group is resilient in resolving the crisis, the parties cannot and will not begin to negotiate in earnest. Also, the undetermined status has also left Kosova in need of economical support on western countries, but also in need of investments which are necessary for the development of a stable economy.
    Lately, the tensions between Europe and the US on issues such as terrorism, global warming, emission reduction etc. has been another reason as to why the Contact Group refrains itself from providing a solution to Kosova. It is due to such tensions that a firm US role in the Balkans has become necessary. It has been clear though that the Bush administration has been worry of the largely Muslim population of the region, however lately it seems as though that such worries has been encompassed a better understanding of the region. The albanians of Kosova have strong orientation toward western countries and see them as the road to their future. Both albanians and serbs are very optimistic about the role that these countries can play in their stability, which in turn makes them not an ideal place to recruit terrorists. If we look at the record it is clear that the EU failed to deal properly with the problem in the 1990s and it was due to the intervention and assistance of the US that the situation was settled. Also, albanians have lately become worry that maybe the EU is not interested in resolving the issues about the future status. This has resulted in the US becoming again an important factor in the talks about the future of Kosova. The UN had previously adopted a policy of “standards before status”, that relates to the serb and other minorities in the region. The EU has also expressed the need of resuming the talks about the status of Kosova sometime by mid-2005. However the violence in march and the recent attacks to the UN mission has allowed the Contact Group to use that as an excuse and not face up to the problems. Right now, it is hiding behind the need for a “comprehensive review” of Kosova’s progress in meeting an array of standards. Yet, the situation on the ground continues to remain deadlocked tensions becoming more and more visible among the serbs and albanians. It would be a real shame if the Contact Group continues to dodge the issue until the course of event requires it to do so. That is not acceptable and must not be allowed, since the ones who would suffer would be ordinary people. The Srebrenica massacre and other atrocities, has resulted in to much bloodshed of people which could very easily have been stopped. The blood of innocent lives lost during these problems is in all our hands and by looking at the Rwanda genocide one can easily see how the situation can escalate and become out of control. We, I, the Contact Group and every human being in this planet have a duty that such situations do not happen. Kosova is no different in that a solution to this crisis in this region would finally send the line whose passage leads to disorder, chaos to limits that would not be achieved in the region. The US has realized that, and in July of 2005 has decided to take an important role in the subject. According to Nicholas Burns, the state department’s third ranching official it is time for a new policy of “status and standards.” Such actions have shown that the US has decided to again lead towards the peace efforts in the region. However, the current Bush administration has made it clear that the solution must come from the EU with an American deputy. Yet, the EU continues to hide behind the need for a “comprehensive review” and that has made albanians more worry about the future and the Contact Group decisiveness about completing the job. In so doing, they are failing not only the albanians but the other minorities in the region also. Until now, the minorities in Kosova have received fair treatment considering the complexity of the issue. Also, many minorities especially those of Serbian decent have also been provided with an equal share of political and economic power. One must simply look at the seats held in the parliament by the Serbian population and one can easily see why more serbs have been returning to the regions as well as albanians. Some have raised the concern that in deciding Kosova’s status, the region would again be destabilized. Neighboring countries such as Macedonia, Bosnia Hercegovina, Vojvodiana etc. would fall into anarchy and chaos due to this simple actions. It is true that a decision on Kosova’s status can have significant consequences on the region, however in not deciding for the independence of Kosova the danger is greater and it can lead to a catastrophic crisis. Yet, it is precisely that option which such members of the Contact Group such as Russia, China prefer simply due to fears of instability in the region. However, it is clear that both sides agree that the region is as close to failure as it is to success. Independence of Kosova would give the incomplete state-building project an air of finality. To the Serbian government though, independence is not an option, yet they are willing to comprise if Kosova would be willing to accept less than independence and more than Serbian autonomy. Serbian people consider Kosova to as a place that belongs to them by birthright. I already mentioned the story of the Battle of Kosova, and no political leader seem to be able to overcome this issue. In Kosova there are over two million people of which 90% are albanians and the rest are composed of different minorities such as the serb population which composes a large amount of the minorities. As mentioned above, we have a duty to resolve the issue of the status of Kosova because of the large population that occupies this land. It would be truly shameful on our part as an international community if we follow the advice, or ill seated desires of members of the Contact Group such as Russia. In May 2005, Russia and Serbia expressed their concern over the way the UN and the Kosova government are handling the return of the minorities and how human rights standards that apply to serbs in Kosova are exercised. These countries have also expressed concern that independence would undermine stability in the region. They also bring the fears of a Greater Albania to the table by saying that the main reason for independence is unification with Albania. Now, it is true that there are groups both in Albania and Kosova that look at such an option as a necessary requirement for the future of the contry. Case of the point is, that either the albanians or the kosovars have a common history, speak a common language and have common customs. Why should not these two countries join together, strengthen their economies as well as their political options. However, it is this that I fear might stabilize the region, not independence of Kosova. The Balkan countries are not ready to accept this option and if it were to become a possibility, countries such as Macedonia, Greece, Montenegro would be destabilized and chaos would overcome the region. Unification with Albanian is in both countries interest, their economies can surely benefit from each other as can their political powers. However in Macedonia such a maneuver would be disastrous sine over 30% of the population in this country is albanian. Like the albanians of Kosova, they also share many commononalities with each other. Just recently, there were troubles in the region when the albanian minority sought to make albanian the main language spoken in towns where they were the majority. If for any reason Albania were to unite with Kosova, then the albanians in Macedonia, Montenegro and Northern Greece could look at this example and require that their communities join the two countries also. Now, in my view this would truly destabilize the region for it is clear that no contry is ready for a greater Albania, even though it would resolve many issues in the region. Yet, if Kosova was given independence and was allowed to flourish as its own master with minorities such as serbs, romans etc. living peacefully in this region, it would further stabilize the region and allow for democracy to take hold. Unless independence is declared, the serbs neither the albanians really have a stake in stabilizing the region. Why should the serbs participate in elections, in daily life, or why should the kosovars bother to fight corruption, injustice if they believe that no fruits would come forth from such work. If no one knows what will happen to the region, what the future status will be, than no one can honestly expect the serbs nor the albanians to really try to establish democratic institutions. Standards before independence was successful up to 2004, but now independence is necessary for it to continue in the establishment of democratic ideas and processes. Both Russia and Serbia continue to proclaim that until the standards are met for the Serbian minorities, it would be impossible to discuss the status. Even though UNMIK, KFOR and other international organizations have been in the ground since the war was declared over, these countries continue to proclaim that a special UN envoy is necessary to monitor adherence of standards in Kosova. According to Serbia and Russia, only 12,500 of the 220,000 non-albanian refugees had returned to Kosova during the last six years. Out of that total, only 5,000 of them are Serbs and this to them is unsatisfactory. The process of displaced persons returning home requires immediate attention and positive changes are necessary prior to status talks. Without such implementation it would be futile to disscuss the status of the region, that is why it requires strict adherence to Resolution 1244 until the standards are met. According to Russia, the UN nor the US can artificially push the process forward until the standards are met. The result of such artificial methods can quickly turn Kosova into a crime-ridden state, and further destabilize the region’s simple infrastructure. While these are truly worrisome subjects, it is necessary to realize that such problems will most likely resolve themselves in an independent Kosova. One must not also forget the Serbian’s government call to serbs living in Kosova that participation in the Kosova’s election is not an option. According to the serbs, this government is illegitimate, for such a call to the serb population could not be interpreted differently. UNMIK and other international organizations have been working in Kosova for years and in some cases they have been faced by hostile actions of the serb population. In many cases, the serbs returning simply sell their homes to albanian families for over the market price. Also, the Serbian government does not help the situation by telling the local representatives to boycott elections, state schools etc. So, to say that the albanians alone or the serbs alone are at fault for the situation that is being created is superfluous. Both of these communities contribute to the mayhem, but that is mostly due to the undetermined status. If independence were to be bestowed upon Kosova, then eventually both of these communities would come together and work toward the Kosova where democracy flourishes, not decays. It gives the other minorities a stake in the situation and eventually mostly of the need to achieve power these communities will communicate with each other. Nonetheless, caution must be exercised towards fair treatment of minorities and that is where the international community must play an important role. Towards the pursuit of power, man become weak and weary which gives way to use of methods that lead to mistreatment of minorities. Here, the international organizations must play the role of the watchdog and make sure that such a mistake does not happen. However, again this must only come after independence is declared, so both parties will realize that they have a stake in the future of Kosova. It is necessary that the Contact Group acts, the current position that Kosova finds itself is unsatisfactory and could create problems. Serbia itself can benefit from an end to this unfinished projects of state building, because since it is the largest country in the region the issues that face Kosova and other small countries go in a two way street from Serbia to Kosova. The problems that overshadow Kosova have an effect in all the other countries surrounding the region. That is why a solution is ready, and polls have shown that many countries in the region, Macedonia included are ready for an independent Kosova.

    Just recently, UNMIK opened the bridge connecting the albanian with the serb part of the city (Mitrovica). The Belgrade plan is impractical because it mainly turns the back to the rest of the Serbian population in Kosova. Therefore, again partion is not and should not be considered an option since the only way for a stable Kosova would be the multi-ethnic solution that NATO has followed for five years. If we are truly going to consider partion, then we must also take a look at Macedonia and partion the albanian minority which inhabits in northwest of the country. Since, a multi-ethnic country is not possible then that area should be allowed to join Kosova in creating a purely ethnic albanian Kosova. However, such a solution would destabilize the region with Macedonia being forced into ethnic wars with minorities residing in the region. If the international community gave in to extremists from both sides for separatism it would leave itself in a difficult position to protect the minorities left in the south. The Belgrade plan in a way is similar to the Lausanne principle in that it tries to solve the minority problems by eliminating the minorities themselves. The approach is brutal, and one of the best examples would be the Greek-Turkish war in Asia minor. The result was the forced displacement of almost 1.5 million people, which eventually destroyed communities that had existed since ancient times. During this displacement, many other minorities suffered because of the principle. Many albanian muslims living in northern Greece were force to leave their homes and go to Turkey with whom their connection was weak. These were albanian speaking people, following the same customs as tribes in Albania and had also family connection there. The injustices done to the Albanian muslim minority in northern Greece, the Romanian muslim minority in Dobrudia forcefully resettled to Turkey etc. Such an option is unjust, unfair and immoral. As a matter of fact, Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement contains a provision that says that all refugees and displaced persons have the right to freely return to their homes of origin. They shall have the right to have restored to them property of which they were deprived in the course of hostilities. The policy of the international community has been clear, creating multi-ethnic communities through out the region. Such a policy must not be pushed aside by the few extremists seeking partion from both sides. Let us take a look at the result brought forth by the following of such policy in the Bosnia conflict. The international community launched a major campaign to implement property laws that enabled displaced persons to recover their belongings which were lost during the war years. Whether in Bosnia or Macedonia where armed uprising threatened to escalate into a civil war, the international community acted wisely by following the policy implemented to support multi-ethnic communities. In Bosnia, thousands of people returned to their homes and therefore breaking down the armed enclaves. The Lausanne principle has been disregarded by the international community as impractical and unjust. The very idea of ethnically pure countries is not feasible in this new century, the faults of such a principle have been seen since the early 1990s where minorities opposed it with all of the means under their disposition. These people are deeply attached to their traditional homes and lands and would only leave under the threat of violence, which eventually was used both in Greece against the albanina muslims and other areas where the principle was used. Kosova also realizes that it cannot aspire towards independence until a multi-ethnic society has emerge. Priority must be given to protect the minorities in the area, and many albanians believe that such a standard has been achieved. If one looks at the statistics about violence in Kosova, after the war years (1999/2000), there is a return to normalization with crimes having return to the norm for a country of that size. In 2002, there were only 68 murders in Kosova (6 of them were Kosova Serbs) and out of them only 2 were ethnic related crimes. In 2003, the number of Serbs murdered increased to 13 almost double the number in 2002 and in 2004 it also increased again in the March riots. This shows that right now neither KFOR nor UN police can control the violence that comes with riots. That does not mean that Kosova is falling into lawlessness where violence and mobs are the rule of law. The problem is that right now neither the Kosova Police Service nor the international organizations in the country are able to control the outcome of such actions. While in 2005, an observer could easily see the difference between the growth that society and the country as a whole has achieved since the war years. Nonetheless, there are some issues that continue to fuel extremism within the country, such as the undecided final status and weak economic structure. Young people especially are frustrated that the only jobs available are government jobs. With no clear status comes lack of investments and fear of riots and return to instability continue to harm the region. Right now the international organizations are the main investors in the country investing in different areas, such as security and social assistance. In March 2004, the riots raised plenty of questions as to whether or not the standard has truly been achieved. It raises doubts on the ability of the KFOR or NATO to protect minorities in the region. However, such riots are the result of frustrion among the youth from both sides to political action. It has been over six years and no solution has been given to Kosova. This affects not only the morale of people, but also the use of resources, the economic development and all other areas representing a major role in the future of the country. The problem has become that no final solution to the satus has allowed extremists to orchestrate violence for political means. This should be of surprise to noone since the method is commonly used through the world. If one looks at Checnya or Taiwan, it is clear that such actions will always be present until the fuel that supports such extremism has been removed. There have been riots even in the US, such as in Los Angeles in the 1990s, which were more deadly that the events in Kosova. However, the results of the riots show that Kosova clearly needs a police force that meets that threat. The number of soldiers clearly would have to increase, whether by hiring more albanians or bring more soldiers from NATO. The later though is less likely since just recently the U.S. one of the main contributers has decided to close many of the bases in Europe. As for Europe there has always been a tendency to maintain the status quo, continuing with the violence and therefore compremising the whole region. The EU finds much comfort in maintaining the current situation in place and therefore allowing more extremists to have more power in the decision making process. Surely, in the future the EU and the international community will find it difficult to sit down and receive support from the albanians nor the serbs of Kosova. The international community has an opportunity window which has been open for some years; let’s take action on it prior to its closing and returning to a Palestine or Chechnya in Europe.
    The Serbian government has been particularly lucid in point to the fact that only few of the displaced serbs have returned to Kosova. However, to claim that there are over 200,000 Kosova serbs in Serbia is preposterous. This has become an orthodoxy, which has been repeated by many officials saying that the entire Kosova serb population has been displaced to Serbia.
    Source Number
    Serbian Government registration (April 2000) 141,396
    Kosovo Co-ordination Centre Report (January 2003) 110,287
    ESI estimates (based on 1991 census; CCK population
    data; primary school enrolments) 65,000
    The only reliable data to this point was a registration exercise done in early 2000 which states that there were 187,129 internally displaced persons from Kosova. Yet, according to Kosovo’s Future (11), the extent of displacement of Serbs from Kosova is more likely to be in the vicinity of 65,000. That is only one third of the population, which leads to a wide discrepancy. In January 2003, the Kosova Coordination Centre gave a figure of only 110,287 Kosova Serb displaced persons in Serbia. No real data has been gathered to this point which makes UNMIK’s position weaker when attacked with such a claim. That in turn, makes it more difficult for UNMIK to successfully motivate the international community that success is possible. The Bosnia and Herzegovina case provides good examples to implement in the case of Kosova. The implementation of property law tables revealed where obstacles were impeding the process and enabled the international community to place more resources in resolving the obstacles. In Kosova, there has been only recently a return mechanism such as that in Bosnia for Kosova’s Serb displaced persons. Many of these mechanisms have been implemented in urban areas where the Serb population was mainly affected. A map has been produced showing potential sites and there are actually over 19 villages where return is underway and another 66 where return is planned. This will eventually lead to similar results as those in Bosnia and eventually will greatly assist in return to peace in the region. However, there is the problem of holding the Kosova government accountable for ethnic related crimes. Until now, the international organizations have been controlling the area and taking the responsibility of preventing such crimes from happening. That has left the government of Kosova in a weak position, playing the simple role of giving statements. UNMIK is the institution that acts in such cases and the Kosova institutions simply issue statements to support the actions taken. Eventually, there has been more leisance from UNMIK’s part by allowing the Kosova institutions to become partners in such issues. Through such teamwork, the results will become brighter with more protection for minorities. There has always been some disagreement among albanians in Kosova as to the role of UNMIK. Some have even claimed that instead of Belgrade now they have UNMIK deciding and investing in the area. Some skeptics have raised the issue by saying that Kosova is not being allowed to successfully built democratic institutions upon the experience they had gathered through out the years. It is true that there is cooperation among the two parties, and there are also many supporters that see the international organization as necessary for stability in the region. Without such assistance, the institutions in Kosova would not be able to prevent riots such as in March. Direct political responsibility is necessary for security to become stronger, however assistance from international organizations is also necessary. One such example, would be Macedonia where right after the riots and violence raised by the minority albanians for more civil rights, the government allowed Albanian rebel leaders to enter into the political arena. The same has been the case even in Northern Ireland where recently the IRA decided to give away all of the arms in its possession and follow the diplomatic route. These results were not achieved overnight, however the benefits gained overcome the alternative. Finally, with the results of Bosnia and Heerzegovina having overpassed all expectations, by 2004 over 200,000 families had recovered their possessions and many Bosniacs had returned to Republika Srpska, it seems that the international community has finally developed a better solution to ethnic problems. The Lausanne principle was finally thrown out the door in Bosnia, let us not allow it to return again and plague Kosova in the future. The international community should continue to follow this plan and not give in to demands of separation. As for Mitrovica where the recent riots occurred, return of property is clearly a major source of tension and the process needs to further be developed to address the issue. Also, it was clear that security forces on all sides failed during the riots allowing for many innocent people to get killed. The desire for separation of this city and the area surrounding it is greater since North Mitrovica has already received assistance from Belgrade and it would be much easier to protect this part of Kosova. However, the best answer to the riots of March is to follow the multi-ethnic policy that UNMIK has followed these past few years. The university and the hospital in the north part of the city are funded by Serbia and it is totally dependent on this financial assistance for survival. The connection with Serbia is powerful and there is a great desire for unification among local serbs, however that would leave the rest of the serb population (around 60%) feeling betrayed. The only answer for Kosova is a multi-ethnic society, and this cannot be stressed enough. It is possible for these groups to inhabit the same land in peace. UNMIK apperantly decided to continue to follow the same plan since after the riots it implemented specific measures to draw the area into Kosova’s structures and not abonded it to Belgrade which continues to reinforce the idea of separation. One simple gesture was to open a bridge which connected the north with the south side of the town. A simple gesture, which is followed by strong economical incentives as well as acceptance of local leaders in the political process of the city. There are albanians in the south that have lost their homes in the north fue to the wars and vice versa for the serbs displaced in the north part of the town. In assisting the displaced people to recover their property, UNMIK would finally be able to calm the tensions brewing in the area and allow the city to make those first steps towards peace and stability. This has not been significant enough mostly because in this particular case, UNMIK has simply tried to maintain the status quo in the region until final status talks start. However, the international community has realized that after the riots in March, Mitrovica’s golden window was slowly being shut closed by extremists gaining ground day by day. That is why recently they decided to make more plausible steps towards unification, even though the resistance has been great. Since the bridge was open, serbs living in the north part of the town would come together to protest the opening of the bridge. However, the international community must hold to its principle that the right of return as a practical reality is a better offer then the Lausanne principle. In Tetova (Macedonia) and Montenegro albanians live peacefully with other ethnic groups without resulting to violence. The international community must make it clear that any partion scheme will be vetoed. It is only then that both sides will finally be able to sit down and stop playing political games on the behalf of the serbs and albanians.
    Many of the issues discussed above were raised by a recent report of the European Stability Initiative (ESI), which claimed that the number of IDPs was not 200,000 but around 60,000. As recently as 2004, the UN has decided to send a special ambassador to investigate how the IDPs issue is being resolved. Belgrade and Moscow continue to raise this issue as the major problem in the beginning of the status talks in Kosova. However, according to the report this problem is not in the scale that becomes portrayed by the opposing party. It is truly challenging to realize that in 1999, the number of serbs in Kosova was only around 200,000 and after the war it jumped to 320,000. Such a discreptancy is mainly the result of misunderstanding of the issue, and the claim has become a true problem for the international community’s understanding of the region. Today, the Serbian government continues to claim that there are around 220,000 IDPs in Serbia, which seems highly unpropable considering the number of Kosova’s serbs prior to the war and taking under consideration the recent school data in Kosova. In return this makes any assumption made about Kosova false and incorrect. An example would be the number of IDPs that Montenegro claimed which dropped by one third of its estimate in a 2003 exercise. Yet, in January 2003, a report from the Kosovo Coordination Center, the official Serbian government body, claimed that only 110,287 IDPs resided in Serbia. This information was given without any explanations attached to it. Since the UN has never done its own exercise on this matter, it continues to be in a weak position to reply to such claims; however it does caution that such numbers might be too high and therefore misrepresenting the real situation in the region. The ESI based its finding mainly on primary school enrollements in Kosova because its researchers in Belgrade who tried to gain access to Serbian voter numbers from Kosova were told that these numbers were unavailable. The Serbian government’s position in this matter is also unclear and always changing. However, the problem becomes when many officials or high ranking politicians continue to proclaim this data as representing reality, which is far from it. Today, the number having been repeated so many times by different officials has gone from a myth to becoming a reality. This myth must also be scattered in order for the process to move forward and the report by the ESI, mostly gone unnoticed even though it came from a known think tank in the subject matter, does that. One of the reasons as to the high discreptancy among the official numbers and the estimates seems to be that Serbian authorities added large numbers of people to the real number. Such a thing was achieved by including temporary workers in the region, police officers, soldiers etc. If we take this under consideration and the fact that many of the IDPs were from urban areas, which most likely have already sold their homes to albanian families at prices way higher then the market offered, this number comes down significantly. That makes the return of IDPs to Kosova an attainable solution. Also, if we look at the plan that the Serbian government issued in 2004 about Kosova and Metohija one could easily see that it would be very difficult to convince these urban families to return under this plan and settle in rural settings. The report also raises the question of the ability to create autonomous areas within Kosova composes mainly of Kosova serbs. Not only is such a plan impossible but it will also create further displacement of albanians and serbs so that such conclaves could be created. This would go against the very mission of the international community in the region and increase hostility against the minorities as well as comprising the security of the Kosova serbs.

    exploited the situation and for over a century right under the eyes of democratized Europe manipulated both serbs and albanians to serve its own needs. It was only twenty years ago when all minorities could easily travel through out Kosova, visit their spiritual sites in cities like Decani and Mitrovica without fear of being killed. It was not until Milosevic and the removal of any rights and any form of autonomy guaranteed by the Yugoslav govermnet that the problems started. Right after such actions a systematic policy of expelling of albanians from Kosova started, many forced to attend schools in the Serbian language, the university of Prishtina closed and professors removed and replaced with Serbian friendly ideologists. Even today, rarely one finds any form of self-critique among serbs whether living in Serbia or Kosova about the effect that the three wars had on the region and the lifes of millions of human being. The politics of hate continue to overpower many sectors of the society, not allowing for any form of self-criticism to arise as to its past. Looking at the politics that Belgrade continues to follow, the way it refuses to work with UN in arresting individuals warranted as war criminals continues to be proof that Serbia does not intend to change its policy. After Hitler lost to the Allies, the people of Germany looked at that time and drew lessons from it so that nothing similar would ever happen in their land. There was plenty of soul-searching to understand the mistakes that lead to the massive killings due to racial differences. Serbia, in the other hand continues to refuse to take responsibility for the attracoties done during the three wars. Villages destroyed in Bosnia and Hercegovina, men of all ages rounded up and killed like animals, yet the Serbian government and its people continue to proclaim that this was an internal matter for which the international community has no business. Just like in Chechnya and Taiwan, the governments are dealing with internal matters and all the people suffering and killed is of no purpose to the world. Young children being killed every year in Chechnya and Taiwan simply because this indeginous people are demanding more basic civil rights that God has bestowed upon us. True it is of no purpose to the international community when the Beslan Siege in Russia leads to hundreds of innocent kids being killed. This are not just children of Russia, but children of the world community where the pain of such loss gets felt all over the world. Since, 1999 when President Putin decided to reestablish the armed figting in Chechny thousands have been killed and more innocent bloodshed has befallen upon this planet. It is not fair that these people are being denied some of their basic rights which they have enjoyed for centuries and under the threat of violence forced to leave their homes. It is this inability to be self-critical that has lead Serbian to delude itself and produce the crimes that it did and continues to do through out the Balkans. It is truly shameful when Kosova serbs reporting on the attrocites committed by Serb forces against albanians are arrested and persecuted for “betrayal.” Albanians and other minorities have lived together in the same land for centuries peacefully with the need to resort to massive killings and it is the gains that are achieved by operating in ways that make people ethnic backgrounds distinct to the public that must be removed. Milosevic was able to tapp into this pool of political gain and exploit it for its own ends. This logic of ethnic states based upon the Lausanne principle has been truly damaging to the Balkans. It is in understanding this that the international community must not fail the albanians by following decentralizations plans which eventually will further the violence in the ground. Albanians and Serbs have no natural desire to kill each other, nor has such desire been found in the history of the region. It was simply fabricated by specific individuals whose gains from making the difference among ethnic groups visible were essential to their survival. That is why it is important for international organizations as well as the Kosova society and government to create a civil contract between the government and the minorities. It is a simple formula, one where the government recognizes and respects the rights of these ethnic groups and vice versa the minorities respect the authority of the government. Right now no such contract exists in Kosova nor does there seems to be any work done towards the achievement of it. The albanians continue to refuse and hasten in adding minority rights for the serb minority while the serb community refuses to recognize the authority of the government of Kosova. In the air one could easily smell the air of indecisiveness whether from the international community or albanians or serbs. There is currently no clear idea as to what the future status of Kosova will be and no one seems to be willing to agree or disagree to anything until the parties sit in the table and the discussion starts. Surely one could understand the position of both the albanians and the serbs as to the current situation. As a Kosova serb, recognizing the authority of the government would give the impression that as a community they recognize the indepence of the country. The albanians on the other hand are afraid to give power to the minorities prior to the talks mostly due to the fear of separation and losing territory to the Serbian government. Until the future status of Kosova remains uncertain and decentralization ideas being discussed with the possibility of partition looming in the air no party seems to be willing to agree or discuss any issue. The Kosova serbs solution for the moment is isolation and separation from the albanian majority, not recognizing the government and refusal to attend any election held in the region. The international community also does not better the situation when it decides to change its policy from one where a multi-ethnic Kosova is propable to one where conclaves are being created and new municipalities are created to further separate the serb minority from the albanian majority. This will only make these people feel betrayed and forgotten by the international community whose belief in a multi-ethnic society has been shutter mainly of the March violence in the region. The international community seems to forget that in many other places riots of such magnitude have resulted in larger amount of victims. The situation continues to be one where albanians demand nothing less than independence, which as discussed above would be the best solution for the region. The Kosova serbs on the other hand argue that in an independent Kosova their rights will not be protected. The March 2004 riots would surely present the possibility of such actions as quite credible and the Kosova serbs continue to demand that they remain part of Serbia. It is clear that a close look at the situation does signify that sepation is a necessity for the moment but at the same time it is necessary to protect minorities. The best solution for the moment would be independence where the serb minority is allowed to have their own community for a specific time of five years. During the period of five years, investment must be done by the Kosova government to better the relationship among the two groups as well as better protect them. This time is necessary for people to look at their past and be self-critical of themselves as well as allow for any hate to warn out. It is important that the basics of a civil contract start to be created so that it can be used as the foundation for future development in the area. The CONTACT GROUP and UNMIK must make it clear that neither unification with Serbia nor Albania will be allowed, and that any such action will be vetoed by the group. Also, the international community must clarify to albanians and serbs that it is committed of building a multi-ethnic Kosova where early on decentralization will be necessary to better protect the minorities. However, this will be followed with programs and investments by the government and organizations created for the sole purpose of removing the hate among the groups. Any manifestation of violence and ethnic related messages will not be allowed and any person engaging in such actions will be prosecuted to the full extend of the law. The politicians must also clearly take more responsibility for any actions such as those of March, UNMIK will not be the main body whose decisions dictate the situation. The EU, the Kosova government and the international community must clearly assert sound judgement when deciding to choose borders for the country as well as the communities in it according to ethnic groups. Also, more work must be done by the government to fight corruption and to better the governing of local communities. The international community must make it clear to the albanians that in making conssessions to minorities it is not annihilating the future possibility of independence, rather the opposite. Belgrade continues to be one of the main obstacle of the creation of such civil contract among the two parties. The international community also dreads to put pressure on Serbia so that it can play a more constructive role in the creation of such civil contract. It is true that after th killing of the prime minister Zoran Gjingjiq, many fear that another Milosevic might rise to power. It is true that some freedom must be given to the government so that it can better fight such extremism. However, in so doing it must make sure that Serbia is not playing a deconstructive role in the area, of which it is currently doing. The CONTACT GROUP must not be timid in imposing sanctions when the current government supports partion of communities from Kosova and refuses to participate with the UN in the search for war criminals.

    Resolution 1244 left Kosova final status undecided, meaning that it could be either go back under Serbian rule or become independent. That however has become a main issue since in order for Kosova to enter the process of European integration it must first be a independent country. Failure of such achievement would only turn the country into a black hole for the EU. As mentioned before, the international community decided to follow the standards before status as a main road to achievement of the final status. The idea was introduced by Michael Steiner, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General to Kosova, and has won the support of the international community. However, looking at the events of the recent years it is clear that such a status is not sustainable anymore. Since 2003, the Serbian government has favored the idea of Kosova being divided into two entities, Albanians and Kosovar Serbs. The idea was first brought into the arena by Nebojsa Covic, previous Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia. Its implementation began in 2003 through the creation of parallel structures in the areas with a Serb majority. However has discussed in previous chapters of this book, that goes against the idea of a multi-ethnic Kosova and simply impedes the way towards the solution. The other option which was the cantonization of Kosova was also favored by the Serbian government which would retain Kosova within the Union of Serbia and Montenegro but divide Kosova along ethnic lines. Some Kosova serbs prefer this option since they claim that they cannot live together with the Albanians, especially after the renewed violence of March 2004. That being said, The Kosova serbs see it as an important building block that the borders of the cantons be drawn using the land-registry books and the ethnic composition of the population. According to the Serb leaders in Kosova, the country must be divided into seven cantons—four albanians and three serb. However, as discussed above and after looking at the dispertion of the serb population in Kosova such canonization would be impossible if not an injustice to both albanians and serbs. Mostly such an option can be achieved only in some parts of the regions North of River Ibar, but even that would mean that a large percentage of the Kosova serbs would be left in mainly albanian dominated areas, south of the river. The international community however mainly fearing that independence of Kosova would lead to renewed violence have opposed this option. Yet Lord Owen, the international mediator for EU and Yugoslvia peace envoy for Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Balkans believes that independence was the inevitable solution for Kosova. According to Lord Owen, the independence for Kosova could not be viewed as an isolated issue. Therefore, the international community should be ready to consider the redefinition of borders in the Balkans, which would be done in a peace conference. Based upon the developments of the past few years, it is clear that independence has become the only solution possible for Kosova. Serbia continues to refuse this option as a possibility because of the possibility of war. Eventually the subjugation of the Kosovar albanians and serbs is justified. At the same time albanians as well as the members of the non-Serb minorities in Kosova, hope that Kosova will finally become a democratic, independent state and will join the family of nations as an independent state. Unfortunately for Kosova, the international community has not been consistent in its treatment of emerging states. Additionally, pas atrocities, such as those in Bosnia, Rwanda and Checny have been tolerated by the U.N. and the governments of the most powerful states in the world. The international did not prevent such atrocities but looked upon them passively. A good example of such passivity from the international community is the case of Chechny where the EU called for a solution which respected the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation. However, it is also the case that in many stances the international community has taken a different view and played an important role in the solution of the problem. For Kosova unfortunately, until now that has not been the case with the final solution still remaining unresolved. Looking at some of the declarations from many powerful leaders it becomes clear that there are still some who wish to deny Kosova the fundamental right to self-determination. It is difficult for the author to understand the rationale behind the U.N. and the powerful countries stance on East Timor and their stance in Kosova. Clearly there are double standards that occupy the U.N. and the international community for it becomes clear that independence depends on political, ideological or religious factors. Self-determination was supported by the international community for East Timor, while those very actors deny the right to Kosova. That is not to say that there are no differences among the two countries, however they do not represent major ones. Every country should have the right to decide its own government and politics; no one has the right to impose a government upon them. The Security Council transferred power to the independent East Timor on May 20, 2002. Sergio Viera de Mello, the special envoy of the U.N. to East Timor, justified the support of the East Timorese by the fact that the president of Indonesia gave the citizens of East Timor the opportunity to decide on their own fate. However, that is not a sufficient answer as to why this right is not recognized to the Kosova albanians and serb population. It is clear that there is a double standard when dealing with Muslims and Christians. For example, Richard Nixon has written that had the citizens of Sarajevo been predominantly Christian or Jewish, the civilized world would not have permitted the siege to reach the point that it did. If we do take this statement under consideration, we can better understand the problems in Kosova, Chechnya, Kashmir, Palestine, Bosnia. The majority of the population in these countries is predominately Muslim where the international community has continuingly denied the ir right for self-determination. It is true that an intervention was done in Kosova and Bosnia by the international community which means that it is willing to support the nationalists aspirations of a Muslim population. However, unless the final status has been resolved and independence of Kosova has finally been accepted; the intervention alone does not prove the internationals community willingess to self-determination. An important factor that the international community continues to overlook is that ethnic cleansing was not the result of a armed conflict, but one of the main objectives of the offensive of the police and military forces in Kosova. The fear of independence of Kosova is further reiterated by the belief that unification with Albania of Kosova would crate a state of 5-6 million inhabitants and destroy the equilibrium in the Balkans. Maintaing the balance of power is the same argument that is currently being used by Russia in dealings with Chechnya, as does China with Tibet, Sinkiang and Taiwan. Similar examples are also found in Spain with the Basque country and Catalonia, Canada with Quebec, Turkey with Kurdistan etc. This justification was used by Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria for dividing Macedonia amongst themselves after the first and second Balkan Wars in 1912 and 1913. The idea of a “Greater Albania” intimidates the international community whom in many cases has voted to preserve the balance of power in specific regions such as the case of Chechnya in Russia. However, many other countries in the region contain a much higher number of inhabitants then Albania, such as Turkey, Italy etc. Also, in 1994 Moldova’s referendum for independence or union with Romania was not considered as disrupting to the balance of the region. The hipocracy of the international community in regards to Kosova is clear: a country of about 5-6 million would bring havoc into the area leading to maybe another war which “might” then include the EU. Apperantly, the independence of Kosova is disastrous for the region since it will increase the number of states in the Balkans, however how could any government or person deny this basis right to a country? Any group of people whether those in Kosova, Vojvodina, Bosnia, Chechnya which is unified by common factors such as territory, race, language, history, tradition, customs, aspirations and in particular a feeling of common belongin has the right to organize itself into an independent state. This is often described as the principle of self-determination where a national group that lives within a certain territory has the right to decide, through plebiscite, whether it wants to join another state or stay within the state of which it has previously been a part. The process of plebiscite is one where the group votes and decides about his future. The international community has made it clear that it will be the Kosova albanians and serbs that will decide their future and not Serbia nor the international community. None of the two groups will impose upon the Kosova albanians their views and wills. This means that in the future there will be a decision made, through plebiscite, about the future of Kosova. However, the international community has made it clear that the option of uniting with Albania is not an option and that any such result will be vetoed by the Contact Group. Again that means that unwillingly the international community has imposed upon the Kosova albanians and serbs their views and therefore detaching themselves from the self-determination principle. Yes, as a group you will be given the right to vote on your future, but that future does not mean unification with Albania. The main reason for that is the unfound fear among diplomats that the power balance in the region will be dramatically changed by a country with inhabitants population in the 5-6 million range. Apperantly, that was not the case in Moldova with Romania and their unification did not lead to instability. The international community is saying to Kosova albanians and serbs that unification and the basic right of self-determination and independence is constrained to Kosova albanians, but it was fine for East Timor and other countries. This basic right to self-determination is not based solely on the view that Kosova albanians have a common language, religion, history and customs. History has shown that Arab nation have not been able to unify even though they share these common characteristics, while other countries have. However, even leaders such as Lenin and Wilson have recognized that a people’s rights to self-determination is the key to a just solution of the national issue. According to Lenin, the denial of such a right was nothing else but an effort to preserve the privileges of the ruling nations. The political future of the Kosova albanians must be their own decision and not that of Milosevic or the International Community. The self-determination of any group of people is a fundamental right, and therefore Albanians deserve the same destiny. However, time after time the message sent by the international community has been that such a right is restrained for the Kosova albanians. That is they can choose their future but such a future must not include unification with Albania. Such a statement goes against the Helsinki Final Act which states that all peoples always have the right, in full freedom, to determine, when and as they wish, their internal and external political status. The war against terror and the attacks of 9/11, Spain’s train attacks and more recently the London attacks have had significant impacts upon the international community. In many western countries there are critics whom complain about the Muslim community being marginalized for the crimes. Many of the attackers belonged to the Muslim faith whom under the direction of extremists created the havoc upon the western world. Such extremism has received the fuel by the actions of the international community in regards to state creations in Chechnya, Taiwan, Afganistan, Bosnia etc. The extremism resulting in western countries has been able to realize the double standard used in the creation of different states and have been successful in using it against the international community. Let us not allow these individuals access to it anymore so that extremists whether in Basque (Spain) or London cannot use this as a tool to for their goals. The international community must realize that the use of such double standards whether intentional or unintentional must stop today. Any religious group whether Muslim or Christian must have the same rights and the principle of self-determination must be a common right for all people not only a select few. Again let us not fail the albanians of Kosova by implementing such double standards upon them. The results will be disastrous for the albanians, the serbs and the international community. That will only make the region a breeding ground for further extremism and lead to acts such as those in Spain or London. The international community must also understand that if the consent of Serbia had been required, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia should have been denied their right to independence. It is unrealistic to expect that Serbia will consent to the independence of Kosova. Kosova and its people have the right to be free regardless of Serbia’s position. Politicians and diplomats must not forget that the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution recognized the “autonomy” of Kosova, while also recognizing the power of other autonomous units within Yugoslvia. Kosova and Vojvodina were autonomous provinces and they were constituent elements of the Federation, just like the six republics. (GRUDA) Serbs always have seen independence of Kosova in the existing, administrative borders as a change of borders and a violation of the Helsinki principles. The Albanians on the other hand do not see this as a change of borders, as Kosova had its borders similarly to the other units of the federation. The efforts of Serbia to keep Kosova within the Union of Serbia and Montenegro violate their right to self-determination as well as the Helsinki Act. Many critics of independence mention that the change of borders would have a domino effect in the region, however that has not been the case with Bosnia, Crotia, Romania etc. The Serbian lobby has done a superior job in implementing these fears upon the international community and therefore creating large road blocks towards the final status of Kosova. Such manipulation of the international community is clearly seen in the case of internally displaced persons. Many high ranking officials in the international community and even President Vladimir Putin spoke of the need for the return of 200,000 Serbs to the region. Even though there have been reports such as that from the European Stability Initiative which provide evidence that such a number is completely unfound and unrealistic, many of these officials continue to proclaim of the high number of displaced persons. In 1913, following the Berlin Congress and the Balkan Wars, many territories that were inhabited by Albanians were cut off through borders that were drawn by the great powers in total opposition to the principle of self-determination and the principle of nationality. Also, a great number of Serb scholars ackonowledge that the annexation of Kosova in 1913 by Serbia and Montenegro was in opposition to the aspirations of the Albanian people, which were expressed in the movement for national liberation between 1878 and 1912. It is really ironic to think that Prishtina, the capital of Kosova, was the first place where the leading intellectuals and leaders gathered to demand the creation of the Albanian state. However, after the annexation the region has suffered oppression by Serbia and Montenegro which eventually wanted to exterminate the albanian minority. The Kosova albanians have always placed their faith in the principle of self-determination and their right as well as desire to unite with the land of Albania. Such proclamations are found through out the years, 1944 through today where this group of people is seeking their right to independence and their choice of government. It has been clear that only Serb, Russian, Chinese, or other nationalists who want to maintain the territories they have annexed as well as national oppression dispute the principle. It would truly be a tragedy if the western countries also dispute this principle and therefore accepting the Laussanne principle and all the injustice that is part of that package.

    On October 24, 2004 Kofi Anan based upon the report provided by Kai Eide said that the time had finally come to start talks on the final status of Kosova. Kai Eide was selected by General Kofi Annan to study the situation in the ground and come to a conclusion as to whether or not the standards had been meet and status talks could begin. Mr. Eide was selected mainly because of his expertise in the field and his knowledge of the area. After declaring that talks on Kosova’s final status were to begin before the end of the year, Mr. Annan appointed former Finnish President Martii Ahtisaari as the special envoy during the talks. At the same time, the it stressed the need for “undiminished energy” in protecting minorities, meeting standards, establishing democracy, and creating the necessary conditions to allow a sustainable return of Serbs who fled. During the same press conference, Mr. Eide repeated his long-standing view that there would never be a good moment for addressing Kosova’s future status. In his view it is important to keep the political process from stagnating. In his report Mr. Eide writes that in the foreseeable future Kosova will not become a place where Kosovar Albanians and Serbs are integrated, for they probably never were in the first place. However, the process must start for continuing to uphold the status quo would have been disastrous. In his report Mr. Eide recognizes that the future status will be a demanding challenge and the international community must do the outmost to ensure that, whatever the eventual status, it does not become a “failed status.” Mr. Eide based his report after the ten days spent traveling all around Kosova where he meet as many people as possible in numerous towns, villages and hamlets. However, already there has been opposition from the Serbs who claim that the task of Martii Ahtisaari is to carve yet another independent state out of the former Yugoslavia. Ivan Vujacic, ambassador in Washington for Serbia and Montenegro, in a letter to a local newspaper before status talks have even begun writes that granting independence to Kosova would dismember a sovereign state, which is against international law and could set a dangerous precedent in the region. He goes on to say that such a move would be detrimental to the establishment of a multiethnic society. Mr. Vujacic believes that ethinic self-determination in the name of multiethnicity under circumstances in which the Serbs in Kosova still fear for their lives is appeasing poisonous nationalism. But I would dare ask to the ambassador as on which side is such fear appeasing poisonous nationalism. In his appeal to his multiethnicity, Mr. Vujacic seems to forget that its government has installed parallel institutions in many enclaves and especially in Northern Kosova, where the city of Mitrovica is the best example. Let us not forget that the Kosovar Serbs population continues to refuse to participate in any sort of elections, and continues to receive its main support from Serbia. As for the dismemberment of a sovereign state, Mr. Vujacic seems to have embarked himself in that same poisonous nationalism that he so skillfully demonished. Nonetheless, the process is expected to start and both sides, Kosova and Serbia, have created groups, teams to develop the frameworks for the talks about the future of Kosova. In his report Mr. Eide says that significant process has been done with respect to the economy, especially with respect to the continuation of the privatization process. Many socially-owned sectors and enterprises have been idle and the privatization of such enterprises will further support economic development in the future. However, the risk that this process will lead to discrimination in employment along ethnic lines is real and special attention must be placed. Kosova also has valuable and unexploited natural resources, which would turn Kosova into an energy exporter in an energy-hungry region. At the same time, organized crime and corruption has been characterized as the biggest threats to Kosova’s stability and the sustainability of its institutions. The report by Mr. Eide recognizes them as a widespread phenomena, however the level is difficult to assess. The Government has not taken the necessary administrative action to implement the necessary policies to fight organized crime and prevent corruption in provisional institutions. Also, the report raises questions with regard to the foundation for a multiethnic society, and describes the situation as grim. Property rights is one of the most urgent challenges with regard to ensuring a truly multi-ethnic society. So far, Mr. Eide believes that property rights are neither respected nor ensured. However, this is a problem for the entire region and not only Kosova. One can easily travel across the borders and still find problems with property rights. One such issue, is the case of the Cams (an Albanian speaking population in the south, forced by Greece to leave their homes) whose demands to their rights are time after time disgarded and put aside. This population will even be banned from visiting or getting access to the areas in which their ancestors lived for generations. Just like in cities and towns in Northern Greece (Filat, Mergallec, Janine etc.) a great number of agricultural and commercial properties remain illegally occupied. In Kosova, the overall return process has virtually come to a halt. According to Mr. Eide, multi-ethnicity is often not seen a a goal, and the general atmosphere is not conducive to return. He also points to the continued existence of camps, especially the Roma camps in Plementina and Zitkovac are particularly distressing. This is not only a disgrace for the international community but for the Kosova leaders at the same time. Such camps must be dealt with an emergency basis. Also, a protective space must be created around Serbian Orthodox religious sites in order to make them less vulnerable to political manipulation. Mr. Eide believes that the decentralizations process is required to facilitate the absorption of parallel structures between Kosova Serb majority municipalities and turn them into legitimate entities. At the same time though, this process should not endanger central institutions in Kosova or weaken Prishtina’s authority. In his report Mr. Eide says that it is unlikely that postponing the future status process will lead to further tangible results. That is one of the main reasons as to why he believes that time has come to move into the future status process, however he cautions that parties on both sides must not focus on status to the point of detriment of implementation of standards. The international community is still present in Kosova in sufficient strength, so it is of great importance that the future status process takes place while such leverage is still available. Lately, US has closed down many bases in Western Europe, while opening new ones in places like Rumania, Ukraine etc. During this shift in military bases, a US contribution to KFOR is essential in order to provide a visible expression of continued engagement. While, many people agree that in the future, the EU will need to play the main role in Kosova, US expertise and knowledge is necessary during the talks. This will not only benefit one side but also the special interests of the US in the region. At the same time te OSCE has a valuable asset in its field experience and expertise whose further presence will continue to be required. Through out his analysis of the situation, Mr. Eide continues to press his view that the international community must do the utmost to ensure that whatever the status becomes it does not become a failed status. While, it is important that this does not happen, a general understanding of the region makes it easily understandable as to why such an option or fear is not on the table. The Kosova Albanians as well as Kosova Serbs have suffered much for over a century. It might be a optimistic view but the region is changing, and the desire for a democratic Kosova is strong on both sides as well as neighboring countries. Many people are ready to move on and a failed status is not something that can be brought upon again. After Miloshevic brought the attacks against the Kosovar Albanians in the 1990s, the cards on the table were destroyed and changed with a new set. The response of the international community to such inhuman acts and attacks on civilian population opened the door for Kosova as well as the region to a brighter future. That door was locked and a return to the previous situation is not an option for neither sides. The attitudes as well as the mentality of people on both sides has also changed and making it impossible for a failed status to be brought upon. While, there are imperfections on many sections of society, the overall though has changed and the majority is ready to move forward. While it is important to pay attention to future talks risking and becoming a failed status, not much energy must be spent on this section of the process. It is important and a necessary realization that now, Kosova cannot and will not become another Palestine which will further destabilize the region. That option has been removed from the table with the passing of resolution 1224 in 1999 by the United Nations. More energy needs to be placed on the talks and the continued implementation of standards. In the second week of November, after the prime minister of Serbia visited Russia, China, Greece and few other countries, a resolution was passed that overall recognized independence of Kosova as another closed door, not an option that will be even allowed on the table. Such views can also be seen, on the letter by Mr. Vujavic where through a distorted intellectual thought he combines the right to self-determination with ethnically self determining country. This tactics by the Serbian government are not a surprise for such tactics have been previously used to influence Prishtina. The result was a simple one, where the politicians in Kosova hearing shots fired across the border respond by shoting also (Kosova’s parliament also passed a resolution for the independence of the country), and therefore further delaying and confusing the status talks. Such games, and irresponsible as well as self-indulgent tactics cannot be done on the the behalf of the Kosova Albanians and Kosova Serbs. This population deserves more; both sides need to start truly discuss and come up with a clear picture about the future of Kosova. Right now, that picture is blurry and political games that delay the process and further confuse or pressure the teams dealing with the subject will bring forth no fruits. The process will go on, the international community as well as more importantily the Kosova population as well as the region is ready and focused on creating a stable and democratic country where a multi-ethnic population is respected and the goal not just mere policy. The Serbian government as well as Kosova’s should do better developing ideas and further claryfing that picture for the future of the country and stop playing such games. The population nor the international community has an appetite for games that simply delay and create anguish among the parties. Mr. Eide does believe that sufficient political maturity and preparedness exist to initiate this process, however he still points attention to the fact that while process has been achieved there is still plenty to go. Recent events show that both sides have achieved enough political maturity as to recognize each others tricks, however being knowledgable as to what’s at stake are willing to resolve to childish tactics in the hope of postponing or prolongin the process. In his report, Mr. Eide points to the Assembly elections in Ocober 2004, which were widely recognized as free, fair and transparent as well as the first to be organized by Kosova’s authorities. After the elections, the maturity of the Assembly was faced with a new test of a strong oppostions, which required both sides to learn their new roles. This process has further opened the road to a more firmly rooted Parliamentary culture which has steadily improved. However, at the same time much works needs to be done especially when it deals with confrontation to the governing coalition. Also, it seems that just like in neighboring countries politicians see themselves as accountable to their political parties rather than to the public they serve. This eventually leads to appointments regurly made on the basis of political or clan affiliation rather than competence. Mr. Eide also points out that the level of medical services is low and in some cases close to the standards of developing countries. The educational system also is in need of modernization and de-politisation. Over the last five years, Kosova has established comprehensive educational and other public services which represent a significant achievement. The Kosova Serbs, just like in the elections of 2004, have choosen to stay outside of the central political institutions and maintain parallel structures for health and educational services. So far, Mr. Eide found that after many appeals to Kosova Serbs, he found no clear results that representatives have re-entered central political institutions. At the same time, there seems to be a lack of interest from the Kosova Serbs in applying for positions in the governmental structures and be prepared to take active part. This could also be the result of the failure of the current government to further assimilate the Serbian language as the second language in the country. For that reason, Mr. Eide believes that parallel structures are probably the only realistic way to ensure the provision of adequate services to Kosova Serbs. However, in such structures lies the possibility of partition and unficiation of Kosova Serbs cities with Serbia. That would truly be a disaster in because such an option would not move Kosova forward but hold it still. The economic situation in Kosova for the time being continues to be precarious; many people live in poverty and the unemployment rate is high. But such a problem is not confined to Kosova alone. One needs only to look across the border and find similar plagues affecting other countries in the region. However, in Kosova this is more problematic especially for the minority communities which are especially vulnerable groups and are affected in a disproportionate way. According to Mr. Eide’s report the most worrying aspects is the forecast for public income for 2006. The current estimates for public income revenue would not be sufficient to cover recurrent costs and the need for investments. A better system needs to be developed for the collection of taxes and utility bills and to bring the grey economy into legality. However, this prospect while must be a goal at the same time will be long-term process in the country. Neighboring countries face similar problem with regards to taxes and utility bills. The neighboring countries are energy-hungry, and many face problems with payment of electricity bills etc. Poverty also does not help the situation where many people can’t afford to pay the bills, and on the other side companies due to the high defaults on payments are not willing, nor able to invest or continue the operations in certain parts of Kosova. In many cases, the electric company would completely shut off service to particular villages for not paying their bills. However, this is not an inter-ethnic problems for one must only look over the border to Albania, where the new elected Prime Minister Berisha was faced with electric problems in late 2005. The energy section for the entire region is in dire need of restructuring, and Kosova’s energy structure just like other sectors faced damage during the war years. Kosova’s Electric Company (KEK) suffers from antiquated technology, power outages and a dramatic lack of income from its customers. As for the privatization process, which has been long underway after long delays, it is expected that it will be privatized by next spring. Mr. Eide pays special attention that while the process must move forward it must be done in a way which safeguards the interests of the minority population during and after privatization. Also, since property rights continue to linger the country, privatization carries with it the potential risk of a future which will create further instability for the region. A closer look at Albania, neighboring country, shows that privatization with no regards will further increase property feuds and have dire consequences for societies in the future. At the same time, Kosova also has valuable and unexploited natural resources, in particular lignite and other mining reserves, as well as important agricultural potential. In his report, Mr. Eide does say that the economy has short-term problems that must overcome, however overall in the long-term the results are brighter. The ability of the economy to achieve long-term prospects as well as the positive effects that the future status process will have on the short term goals portray a Kosova that with some assistance might overcome its problems. As a clear status is determined a firmer basis for investments, loans and cooperation with international actors will be in place. As is the case in Iraq where recently the White House is being demanded to withdraw troops and allow the Iraqis to police themselves, so is the case in Kosova. The Kosova Police Service (KPS), which is the most multi-ethnic of Kosova’s institutions, is gradually taking on new and more demanding tasks, including riot control. This is especially important after the 2004 riots that showed that a stronger involvement by local leaders was required. There have been many critics of UNMIK, and its ability to control such issues, so the increasing involvement of KPS is important for the region and will further ease the inter-ethnic problems in the future. Mr. Eide also points out in his report that the Kosova justice system is generally regarded as the weakest of Kosova’s institutions. The civil justice system is of particular concern, with an increasing backlog of cases which now stands at several tens of thousands. This is influenced by an economy which does not allow the current government to acquire the necessary tools to resolve the problem. Also, the justice system is in its first steps so combating serious crime, including organized crime and corruption, has proven to be difficult. Organized crime and corruption has been characterized as the biggest threats to Kosova’s stability and to the sustainability of its institutions. However, such problems are face by any country who has tried to reinstate itself after a war or political changes. If we look at Afghanistan, who has become the world’s largest opium producer country; or even Iraq where organized crime and kidnappings are a daily occurrence one could easily see that it is not a single fact that relates to Kosova alone. The fact that opium in Afghanistan represent a significant portion of the country’s GDP does not facilitate the governments efforts to fight such problems. A similar issue faces Kosova, however not at the grade that one sees in Afghanistan or Iraq mainly due to the size of the country and its position in the region. Eventually, if we look at other countries that have faced similar problems, the government will gain enough strength to fight such crimes, but at the same time the organized crime can gain such a stronghold on the country (Columbia), that it will become very difficult to defeat it. It is important for Kosova, that such a road is not open or allowed for it would be truly disastrous. If organized crime is allowed to make Kosova a stronghold, then that view of thinking will become rooted in the society, the way people live and will be very difficult to change its direction. According, to Mr. Eide it is of important significance that Ministries of Justice and Interior be placed under the leadership of individuals enjoying a high degree of confidence in all communities and in all political parties. A failure to do so will make it more difficult for the government to fight crime in the region, since any action taken by these institutions can be seen as supporting a section of the population or a specific party. This will eventually lead to further problems, since many people will lose trust of the institutions and lose support of local leaders. However, a close look at the current situation makes it evident that such individuals will be hard to find, so a firm oversight, intervention and sanctioning policy is required. In his report, Mr. Eide condemns the currently ongoing reduction of international judges and prosecutors as premature and requires urgent reconsideration. A close look at some of the weaknesses is evidence for continued presence of international police presence with executive powers in sensitive areas. Mr. Eide also points out that in the current human rights climate, it is important that the Ombudsperson’s Institution does not get weakened as it is transferred to local ownership. This institution just like KPS, is a multi-ethnic one and is widely supported by different ethnic groups, in the majority and th minority. According to his report, the overall situation is stable, however at the same time little has been achieved to create a foundation for a multi-ethnic society. However, the stability is further damaged by illegal construction and occupation of homes, agricultural and commercial property. Also, the fact that the minorities tend to avoid or reduce to a minimum their contacts with the majority population is not helping the situation. Property-related cases amount to tens of thousands and such a situation cannot be allowed to continue. In his report, Mr. Eide says that there is a widespread view that more Serbs are leaving Kosova then returning. That is why he believes that some should be allowed to resettle in the area of their choice. However, that can eventually lead to mass relocation of Kosova Serbs to areas up north and further distance themselves from the majority or other minorities. This system could also lead to improprieties where people could be brought to areas and overpopulate it in such a manner that eventually the Serbs would become a majority and further request their unification with Serbia and complete separation from Kosova. “Enabling” people in a specific area to abandon the home of their ancestral family for another area where they would feel safer, therefore imposing it upon them. This would go against a multi-ethnic Kosova, opening the door to problems that can further halt the status talks process. Beograde has made it clear that it desires that the Kosova Serbs be separated from Kosova and join Serbia. Allowing for such a policy where these individuals will be given “the opportunity” to resettle in the area of their choice would be a disaster. Radicals among the Kosova Albanians also will take advantage of such policy and use methods to move people from their homes “willfully”. In his report, Mr. Eide also points attention to the danger that many Serbian Orthodox religious sites and institutions face due to the current situation. As both sides are preparing for the talks, pressure is being placed not only towards the political leaders, but also more locally and in the common person. Such forces will try and manipulate the situation so as to achieve their goals. Attention must be paid to different aspects of society, religious sites among them, as they will be tested and as in Mitrovica the international community has seen the damage that these insititutions face during instability. Preservation of these institutions is necessary not only for the preservation of the Kosova Serb community but also to Kosova as a whole. Whatever their role has been in the past or will be in the future, such institutions are part of Kosova and as such must be preserved. Above all many of these religious sites are a part of the world cultural heritage. In Kosova, the Muslim religion has dominated the majority of the Kosova Albanians population. That faith is contested among two of the major sects; that of the Sunnis and that of the Bektashis (Shiite sect). Christianity has also played a role in the region, however all of these different faiths were affected after the war years. The war that Miloshevic lead against Kosova was not only military, but also socially. During the war, education insititutions were attacked, religious sites were attacked as well as civilian population. Once the door was opened to inter-ethnic fights and religious attacks, the international community, UNMIK etc. have had a difficult time in rebuilding it and not allow to be used again. In his report Mr. Eide says that a durable solution cannot be built on military forces. In his view there is a need to create a “protective space” around these religious sites in order to make them less vulnerable. While preservation of such institutions is necessary, such a method seems to support that of Belgrade where as the Kosova Serbs should join Serbia. Decentralization is necessary, but to what level? Many members of these religious sites are belligerent about political pressure and the “albanization” of the streets in the vicinity of their sites. That is many neutral and uncontroversial names of streets are being changed to Albanian names. However, since the Kosova Serbs have continuously followed Belgrade’s instructions and not accepted any offers to decentralization their options are trivial. The international community also has not been trying to even convince that involvement in such elections would be in their benefit. As such, many religious institutions find themselves in the current situation where the main solution is built on military sources. However, such existence is not enviable and Kosova Serbs need to realize that partion and unification with Serbia is not an option. They do need to join the political process and contribute on the day to day activities and decisions in Kosova. Belgrade parallel institutions with many of these communities must also be stopped as they only further exacerbate the situation. In his report Mr. Eide, discusses the possibility that some special ties to Belgrade could be allowed, without giving Belgrade any authority in such communities. That in my opinion continues to be the mistake that the international community is unintentolly making in the region.

  2. #2
    i/e regjistruar
    Anėtarėsuar
    07-06-2005
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    pershendetje

    Shume mire dhe shume flmn per kete shkrim.
    Por une nuk po kuptoj asgje e ndoshta ka ketu edhe shume si une ce nuk e Kuptojne gjuhen angleze andaj do te ishte mire qe bile ne pika te shkurtera te na sqaroni se per ca eshte fjala ketu.

    flmn

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