Ndihme per Historikun i Islamizmit ne shqiperi

[Evil-Ralf]

Shpresoj qe ata qe te gjithe ata qe lexojne kete te jene mire ok

Kam nevoje per nje material te pakten dy faqe mbi historikun e islamizmit ne shqiperi nese ndonjeri di ka ndonje gje per te thene do i lutesha ta posonte ne kete rubrike dhe do lutesha qe te mos kishte permbajteje fetare
por thjesht zhvillimin e tij rrethanat vitet aryet etj
dhe jo material qe bejhen per stimulim qe te behesh ose mos behesh musliman


PD: KY Material me duhet per Vellain tim

[Evil-Ralf]

Edhe dicka
me duhet ku material per para te henes me 14.02.2004
Ju Lutem!

[Evil-Ralf]

Ju lutem me ndihmoni

[[xeni]]

Pershendetje, Evil-Ralf!

http://www.forumishqiptar.com/showthread.php?t=25055

Uroj qe t'gjesh diçka me vlere...

[Evil-Ralf]

Pershendetje, Evil-Ralf!

http://www.forumishqiptar.com/showthread.php?t=25055

Uroj qe t'gjesh diçka me vlere...

nuk eshte taman ajo qe kisha nermend une por faleminderit
per udhezimin

Une do doja dicka me pak te ndikuar nga vete feja

[Evil-Ralf]

po qe se gjen dicka tjeter me te hajrit
jo se kam gje per fene se une jam vete musliman por me duhet
dicka e tipit
qe shkruajne ne libra shkollor vetem se pak me te zgjeruar

[King_Gentius]

http://countrystudies.us/albania/55.htm

http://reference.allrefer.com/countr...albania14.html

Me poshte kam fragmente te nje artikull ne anglisht per islamizimin e shqiptareve e cila nuk mund te gjehet per falas ne internet.

“Even more important than forceful resettlement and ethnic migration was the Islamization of certain population groups, mainly in Bosnia, Albania, the Rhodope massif, and Crete. The period of Islamization was not the same everywhere. In Bosnia, the process developed predominantly in the period 1463–1600, while in Albania and on Crete the critical years were in the second half of the seventeenth century. In 1468 in Bosnia less than one percent of the population was Muslim; by about 1600 71 percent had been converted.


“In Albania, it is clear that the state was interested and directly involved in conversion. This happened especially during the second part of the seventeenth century when the Ottomans tried, through conversion, to suppress the Venetian reconquest of parts of Albania and Greece and to create a Muslim shield from northern Albania to Bosnia in order to halt possible Habsburg intrusions. The Ottoman archival data show how the central and local administration extended gifts in kind, objects, and money to the converts—certainly an incentive to conversion. Chronicles by Ibrahim Peçevi (d. 1649) and travel accounts by Evliya Çelebi (d. after 1683) preserved reports of sporadic violence, especially in the big cities, which would end with the conversion of individuals or groups of people.”

“In addition to converts proper, there were communities of pseudoconverts or half-converts who kept their previous beliefs and customs, while adopting some Islamic ones. Many such communities were still alive in the mountains of northern Albania at the end of the nineteenth century.”

“The Ottomans allowed non-Muslim communities to regulate their own internal religious affairs. What the Ottoman state was interested in were the taxes these communities were obliged to pay to the state treasury. The paying of these taxes was regulated in the form of long-term and short-term tax farms, and non-Muslim religious leaders were considered, from the point of view of the Ottoman administration, as tax farmers of the state revenues. A newly appointed Christian or Jewish religious leader was expected to pay an investiture fee for the diploma he was issued by the imperial council and to render yearly taxes to the state treasury in the name of the community. On the other hand, as a member of the ruling Ottoman military class, he could ride a horse, carry weapons publicly, and have personal armored guards, and he was also entitled to collect taxes from his flock for his own needs and those of his office.

The Ottoman authorities assisted these leaders in tax collecting. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the patriarch of Istanbul, for instance, asked the Imperial Council to assign him a number of Ottoman soldiers to help him while he was touring his dioceses in order to collect taxes. When the Serbian Patriarch Arsenije III Carnojevic was on his pilgrimage to Jerusalem in 1680s, he was accompanied by a guard of four hundred mounted warriors.

The Greek Orthodox patriarchate continued its work immediately after the conquest of Constantinople. In 1557 the Serbian patriarchate, abolished in 1459 after the conquest of the despotate of Serbia, was reestablished. The first Serbian patriarch after its reestablishment was Makarije Sokolovic, a close cousin or, according to some reports, brother of the future grand vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (d. 1579), and the reestablishment of this institution would not have been possible were it not for Mehmed Pasha's intercession.

Tensions between lay and religious leaders of non-Muslim communities were especially noticeable among Greeks and Serbs. The conflicts between local church boards, led by lay notables, and patriarchs, archbishops, and bishops took place daily. These conflicts were mostly over the control of the revenues of the church and church taxes, and how they were assessed.”




FILIPOVIC, NENAD. "Balkans." Europe, 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World. Ed. Jonathan Dewald. Vol. 1. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2004. 191-201. 6 vols. Gale Virtual Reference Library. 28 December 2004

here is another article...........

ALBANIAN IDENTITIES
by Antonina Zhelyazkova

The Islamisation of the Albanians and its impact on the Albanian religious identity.

Important factors facilitating the dissemination and adaptation of Islam among the Albanians were the local religious specifics and the peculiarities in the religious identity of the native inhabitants. Prior to the Ottoman conquest, the southern Albanians (Tosks) were Orthodox Christians under the authority of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The northern Albanians - Gegs, were Catholics under the spiritual jurisdiction of the Holy See. The Albanian language was also divided into two large dialect groups - northern and southern. The northern, Geg language bordered predominantly on Slavic languages; the southern, Tosk, on the modern Greek. The boundary between the two dialects was marked by the river of Shkumbin. Here, along the contact line between the two dialect groups was formed the relatively newer and intermediate Elbasan dialect. The ethnographic and linguistic differences between the North and the South have served as an argument for many scholars studying Albania, who base their research on the specific political and cultural-historical features, to speak of a certain autonomy of the two regions - Gegëria and Toskëria.50

The tribal and clan-related cultural-historical differences between the southern and northern Albanians were reinforced by the disunion resulting from the active Catholic propaganda. The rivalry between the two churches left deep traces in the spiritual identity of the Albanians. The Albanians' subordination now to the Holy See, now to the Patriarchate, the incessant strife for domination between the two churches drove Albanians to ideological doubts and even to religious indifference, which was an impediment to the formation of an integral Christian outlook.

Islam, reinforced by the influence of the attractive practices of the Muslim sects, as well as by a great number of social and economic factors, gained ground among the Albanian population conspicuous for its feeble religious commitment.

The specific religious indifference is also manifested in the Albanians who converted to Islam. Scholars unanimously reject whatever presence of religious fanaticism among them. This is in contrast with the religious devotion of the Islamised population in other Balkan provinces - in Bosnia, Macedonia, and the Rhodopes. It could be, judging by Skanderbeg's testament, that reservation to religion was of a political character, since many times in the course of their struggle for independence the Albanians had been misled or deceived by the Catholic West, while they had never relied on the Patriarchate of Constantinople.

The lack of deep religiousness in the Albanians has been pre-determined in large measure by the significance of the fis, by the overwhelmingly clan character of their traditions and customs. Foreign travellers and observers in the Albanian territories have perceived as curiosity the circumstance that the patron's days - for example, St. George's and St. Nicholas' feast days were celebrated together by Catholics, Orthodox believers and Muslims. The difference in the ritual was insignificant: the Catholics lit candles as they did on all other holidays, while the Muslims used to throw in the fire a piece of wax of the size sufficient to make a candle. The role of the church in the worship of saints was minor, church feast days were much humbler than these of the family and clan. It was of basic significance that each fis, regardless of its religious commitment, had its own patron saint. For example, the Berisha fis worshipped Virgin Mary whom they called Lady Berisha and celebrated the clan festival on the day of the Assumption (15 August). The Merturi clan called the Holy Virgin Lady Merturi and observed the fis patron's day on 8 September, the day of the Nativity of Mary. The Thaçi clan venerated St. John on 27 December, and the Krasniqe revered St. Sebastian on 20 January, etc. It is perfectly clear that this practice was very far from the religious worship of saints as prescribed by the cannons of the Catholic and Orthodox religious doctrines, and that it was laden with entirely different tribal-patriarchal and social-ritual meaning.51



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50 Daniel, O. Regards sur l'Albanie: reconstruction et réintégration spatiale. - In: Historiens&Geographes, Septembre 1992, Revue de l'Association des Professeurs d'Histoire et de Geographie, pp. 125-130; see also: Hall, D. Albania and the Albanians. St.Martin's Press, London, New York, 1994, pp. 26-28.